research paper on study of attitude

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Research on parent and pupil attitudes towards the use of AI in education

This report details findings from a collaboration between DSIT and DfE to deliver a programme of deliberative research exploring parent and pupil attitudes to the use of AI in education.

Research on public attitudes towards the use of AI in education

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In response to the increasing prevalence of AI-powered tools in education, the Department for Education (DfE) partnered with the Responsible Technology Adoption Unit (RTA) within the Department for Science, Innovation and Technology (DSIT) to better understand parent and pupil attitudes towards the use of AI in education. This research also explored attitudes towards the use of pupil data for optimising  AI-powered educational tools.  

Thinks Insight & Strategy conducted a rapid programme of deliberative research with 108 parents and pupils across three locations in England in a mix of face-to-face and online sessions.  

What were the key findings? 

While awareness of AI as a “hot topic” was high among both parents and pupils, understanding did not run deep. As a result, views on the use of AI in education were initially sceptical, though there was an openness to learning more. 

Both parents and pupils could see that there were clear opportunities for the use of AI in education to support teachers, but there was some hesitation around pupils engaging with AI tools directly.  

By the end of the sessions, parents and pupils could understand the advantages of using pupil work and data to optimise AI tools. They were more comfortable with this when data was anonymised or pseudonymised and they identified a set of clear rules for acceptable data sharing.  

Opinions on the use of AI tools in education are not yet fixed: parents’ and pupils’ views of and trust in AI tools fluctuated throughout the sessions, as they reacted to new information and diverging opinions. 

Next steps 

This report forms part of a wider programme of collaboration between DSIT and DfE. The two departments are working together on a pilot data store that will make relevant documents ‘machine readable’ so AI tools for teachers can be trained on them. You can read more about the work in the press notice for the programme of collaboration .

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Preventing White supremacy: an applied conceptualization for the helping professions

• Perspective
• Open access
• Published: 01 September 2024
• Volume 2 , article number  52 , ( 2024 )

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• Loran Grishow-Schade   ORCID: orcid.org/0009-0003-6246-1195 1  

This perspective paper synthesizes insights from social work research, Critical Race Theory (CRT), and Critical Whiteness Studies (CWS) to develop a strategy for preventing White supremacy and promoting racial justice. It examines the intricate feelings of White guilt and shame, advocating for introspection, comprehension, and active engagement by White individuals toward systemic reform. The paper underscores CRT principles like Interest Convergence and Critique of Liberalism to examine concepts such as Moral Injury, Perpetration-Induced Traumatic Stress, and White Shame Culture. Three main obstacles to racial justice are identified: perceptions of power, funding dynamics, and attitudes toward White identity. The paper argues that racial healing should not be solely the responsibility of people of color, emphasizing the crucial role of White people in anti-racism work within supportive settings that foster growth rather than stress and humiliation. Focusing on prevention, the paper argues for social work practices that eliminate conditions obstructing optimal social functioning while challenging oppressive systems. This includes implementing trauma-informed approaches and fostering group work centered on empathy, relationship-building, and reflection. Advocating a strategy that champions our collective liberation, it suggests social work praxis as central to applying interpersonal and group solutions to systemic racism. The paper stresses the need for preventative funding in social services—highlighting tangible action steps and reforming funding strategies to support long-term engagement and address root causes of marginalization and oppression. This integral strategy calls for a collective push toward an equitable society, significantly enriching the discourse on CRT and CWS within social work.

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The foundations of Critical Whiteness Studies (CWS), an interdisciplinary field—were laid in the previous century through the works of eminent thinkers such as W.E.B. Du Bois [ 1 ], James Baldwin [ 2 ], Zora Neal Hurston [ 3 ], Gloria Anzaldúa [ 4 ], and Vine Deloria Jr. [ 5 ] among others. These authors challenged 'Whiteness' as an unseen status quo, emphasizing its recognition to dismantle racialized oppression. CWS, a product of Critical Race Theory (CRT), builds on the work of these influential thinkers and scrutinizes White culture and its role in perpetuating systems of White supremacy, emphasizing the need to explore the thoughts, feelings, and behaviors of White people [ 6 ].

Recent scholars have applied CWS principles specifically to social work. Scholars such as Nylund [ 7 ], Jeyasingham [ 8 ], and Hafen [ 9 ] have shown how entrenched White perspectives in social work hinder social justice. Their work advocates for deeper analysis of Whiteness and Whitenormativity, formal anti-racism education, and encourages White social workers to confront White supremacy culture. These studies highlight the importance of incorporating CWS into social work to combat systemic racism.

As social work strives to stay relevant and adaptive, by integrating CWS into our knowledge, skills, and abilities, as our sibling fields of psychology [ 10 ] and education [ 11 ] began more explicitly over a decade ago, we can advance our understanding of how to prevent White supremacy. This paper explores key barriers—how we think about power, funding, and attitudes toward race and racism among White practitioners—that hinder the adoption of CWS in North American social work.

The predominantly White (68.8%) and politically liberal (55%) social work field in the US presents a unique backdrop for exploring its racist history and White supremacy [ 12 , 13 , 14 , 15 ]. This demographic implies a majority of White liberals, grouped under the term “liberal” for this paper.

Social work has a long-standing history of racism, acknowledged and apologized for by the National Association of Social Workers (NASW) in a 2021 press release [ 16 ]. CRT shows racism is entrenched in societal structures and daily interactions, often unnoticed by those with privilege [ 17 ]. CRT redefines racism as systemic inequities, not just isolated acts of discrimination. CRT and the Racial Contract expose the historical roots of racism within societal norms, perpetuating systemic inequities [ 18 ]. CRT calls for deconstructing racial categories and confronting systemic injustices for significant change. Social work’s connection to White supremacy has been examined through CRT [ 19 , 20 , 21 ]. However, the reluctant adoption of CWS in social work raises questions, given the critical role of race and racism in the US. This situation suggests a deeper issue.

1 Positionality

In social work research, acknowledging our 'positionality'—our unique perspective shaped by personal experiences—is crucial [ 22 ]. This self-awareness helps us manage biases and understand how our backgrounds influence our research. Holding a license in social work and being a White, non-binary, queer, neurodivergent, HIV-positive millennial renting in a mid-Atlantic city while juggling three jobs and a marketplace insurance plan distinctly influences my approach to social work. As a White social worker, I use “we,” “us,” and “our” pronouns when discussing White social workers to avoid any real or perceived allusions to expertise, elitism, or an us-versus-them mentality.

In this paper, “Whiteness” is shorthand for White Culture. In the tradition of queer and feminist theories, which critiques the normalization of heterosexuality and cisgender identities through the study of heteronormativity and cisnormativity, I find “Whitenormativity” to be more precise, parallel, and streamlined to other social movements pointed toward our collective liberation from systems of oppression.

This paper speaks specifically to White practitioners, acknowledging our shared experience. In the context of the social construction of Whiteness, I find myself having this conversation with a diverse spectrum of people who have internalized this experience. This includes those who are biologically White and those who are culturally White—people who are often mis/read as biologically White. We are all part of this conversation, seeking healing and understanding. “White people” refers to individuals who are biologically or culturally White.

Lastly, I employ the term "collective liberation" instead of "anti-racism" as our end goal because it highlights that everyone's freedom is interconnected. "Collective liberation" addresses not just racism, but also other forms of oppression like sexism and classism. This term helps readers understand that dismantling White supremacy benefits the entire community, emphasizing solidarity and the well-being of all.

3 The (myth of a) White monolith

CWS critiques and examines the dynamics of race, Whiteness, and Whitenormativity [ 23 ]. These concepts can be large and opaque, so let us start by remembering that race and Whiteness do not exist in a social vacuum. Our relationships with gender, class, ability, sexuality, religion, immigration status, and age impact our relationship to race. As Lorde said, “There is no such thing as a single-issue struggle because we do not live single-issue lives” [ 24 ].

Generalizations about White people fail to honor the diverse White experience. We must consider the spectrum of identities that exist simultaneously to being raced: we are gendered, aged, classed, sexed, abled, and our ethnicities determined. Our social positioning may simultaneously grant us social privileges and disadvantages. A single father on welfare in Elko, Nevada, who is White, has a different—better and worse—social experience than a mother with an au pair in Baldwin Hills, California, who is Black. Socially, we have a range of experiences within races. Being White is no different.

For example, within the White community, there is significant diversity in terms of ethnicity and experiences. Recognizing this diversity is crucial for a nuanced discussion on race and Whiteness. Nearly two-thirds of Romani Americans report feeling discriminated against due to their heritage, with close to 80% agreeing that Americans treat Roma people differently from other minority groups [ 25 ]. Similarly, Jewish people face ongoing challenges, particularly due to the current conflict in Palestine, impacting perceptions and experiences of discrimination globally [ 26 ]. These examples underscore the importance of recognizing the diverse and intersectional experiences within the White community, emphasizing the need for a nuanced discussion on race and Whiteness in social work.

Now we have a shared language and context; let’s dive in.

4 Critical Race Theory

Critical Race Theory (CRT) emerged from students of color at Ivy League institutions in the 1970s and '80s [ 27 ]. It aimed to challenge entrenched White supremacist narratives in academia and the legal field. Delgado and Stefancic identified its core principles: Interest Convergence, Revisionist History, Critiquing Liberalism, and Structural Determinism [ 28 ].

4.1 Core principles of CRT

Interest Convergence : Civil rights gains for communities of color often align with White self-interest. This challenges the idea that progress is purely driven by altruism.

Revisionist History : CRT reexamines America’s history, challenging majoritarian views and presenting marginalized perspectives.

Critique of Liberalism : Critical race theorists argue that liberal concepts like color blindness and neutral constitutional principles fail to address systemic racial issues.

Structural Determinism : The idea that the societal structure and its inherent vocabulary are fundamentally ill-equipped to redress certain systemic wrongs.

This paper will focus on the principles of Interest Convergence and Critique of Liberalism. Future research should explore White social workers' relationship with Revisionist History and Structural Determinism.

4.2 Focus on interest convergence

Introduced by Derrick Bell in 1980, Interest Convergence examines power dynamics and the limitations of zero-sum thinking in racial equity and justice [ 29 ]. There are many examples, and history is more complex than a summary can capture:

During the Civil War, President Abraham Lincoln issued the Emancipation Proclamation, which freed enslaved people in the Confederacy. This act was not only driven by moral considerations but also by the Union's strategic interests in undermining the Confederate war effort and bolstering its own military forces [ 29 ].

The US Civil Rights Act of 1964 was influenced by the emotional impact of President Kennedy's assassination, generating sympathy among White Americans and a shared interest in honoring his legacy by ending discrimination [ 30 ].

In Canada, establishing the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples (RCAP) following the Oka Crisis in 1990 demonstrates Interest Convergence [ 31 ]. The federal government's interests in political stability and maintaining its international human rights image aligned with and benefited from Indigenous demands for recognition and justice.

Understanding how White interests intersect with those of minoritized racial groups is key to advancing collective liberation. This shared liberation comes from meeting the interests of White people with Indigenous, Black, Latin@, and Asian populations. We must do both; we cannot do either/or. We must not de-center but co-center. This argument relies on resolving contradictions like de-centering White people in CRT and how our approaches can create reinforce White supremacy [ 32 ]. This leads us to examine the ideologies guiding our understanding of racial dynamics and their impact on professional practices.

4.3 Zero-Sum ideologies and its implications

In understanding equality and justice, we encounter the zero-sum paradigm of social progress. In economic or game theory, a zero-sum scenario is where one participant's gain or loss is balanced by the other's. Both groups cannot win. Both participants cannot lose: a competition. In discussions on racism and equality, a zero-sum viewpoint implies that advancements for marginalized groups result in losses for the dominant group. For example, opportunities for people of color through affirmative action or fair hiring practices are seen as reducing opportunities for White individuals. With limited resources or one job posting, there can be only one “winner,” making everyone else a “loser.”

In social work, zero-sum thinking is often applied to power. Abrams defines power as the ability to acquire what one needs and persuade others to help; essentially, it revolves around winning [ 33 ]. Discussions on power frequently suggest that it must be "taken" [ 34 ] or taken "away from" [ 35 ] dominant populations (re: White, straight, able, men)—and redistributed [ 36 ]—implying that non-dominant populations (re: people of color, queer, disabled, women and gender nonconforming, nonbinary, and trans people) cannot persuade others to assist them in securing what they need. This binary model fosters a harmful either/or mindset: one either has power or does not.

Seeing power as socially constructed allows us to view it as expandable and shareable. Community organizing and coalition-building can create new, collaborative forms of power, promoting social justice for all. Interest Convergence shows that aligning the interests of dominant and marginalized groups can expand and equitably distribute power. This framework challenges zero-sum thinking by showing that progress for marginalized groups does not come at the expense of dominant groups.

Because of the perils of the illusory truth effect—where we begin to believe false information is correct merely because it is repeated—we can start to construct a reality of power that portrays social justice as a competition. This method maintains social inequity by competing for power, bypassing the need for collaboration or communal power [ 33 , 37 ]. We neglect the tools and trainings—power mapping, community organizing, strategic alliances and partnerships, social media campaigns, narrative and framing techniques, crowdfunding and resource mobilization, volunteer networks, digital advocacy, grassroots lobbying, and coalition building—that instruct us on how to achieve this, which demonstrate the evidence and legacy of how to build power out of nothing [ 38 , 39 , 40 ]. We forfeit power by adopting a scarcity mindset, overlooking our social work education.

4.5 Zero-sum implications

For example, many White liberal social workers adhere to biological essentialism, which asserts that racial identities dictate behaviors and capabilities [ 41 ]. This philosophy suggests White individuals are inherently racist and are therefore intrinsically incapable of addressing race and racism. This makes change or justice seem unattainable [ 42 , 43 , 44 ]. White people will always win: zero-sum. Such a stance not only simplifies complex racial dynamics but also ignores the diversity within White communities. Casting racial dynamics as a rigid power battle, where White people monopolize authority, cultivates zero-sum ideologies. This view ignores Interest Convergence and sees power as a limited resource to be reallocated, rather than a socially constructed concept that can be expanded and equitably distributed.

4.6 Misconceptions

Table 1 catalogs how zero-sum thinking and distorted views of power have created a wide array of biases, assumptions, and misconceptions within anti-racism work. It shows us how far we have strayed from recognizing the power of Interest Convergence to creating social change.

The Table begins with the prevalent assumption (#1) that all White individuals are inherently racist or uniformly benefit from racial privilege. This view ignores individual complexities like socioeconomic status, education, and personal values. Additionally, it challenges the way of thinking (#2) that White people cannot comprehend or tackle racism by ourselves, highlighting the significance of both individual efforts and collective action in addressing racism. The table also draws attention to the diversity within White communities, revealing a wide spectrum of (#4) awareness and engagement with racial issues. It demonstrates that White individuals can make significant contributions to collective liberation efforts (#5), countering the myth of our ineffectiveness or non-involvement. By questioning the assumption that White people are excluded from responsibility (#3) and the one-directional impact of racism (#7), Table  1 advocates for the possibility of change and fluid power dynamics inherent in CRT’s social construction thesis [ 27 ].

Table 1 examines misconceptions about White individuals and clarifies how these perceptions impact social workers' actions and inactions. By adhering to the flawed zero-sum paradigm, we overly focus on interventions, often neglecting a holistic approach to prevent White supremacy.

4.7 Reverse racism

For many White people, zero-sum thinking aligns with 'reverse racism'—power being taken from and redistributed from White people [ 42 , 43 , 56 , 57 ]. Many scholars in the helping professions maintain that reverse racism does not—and cannot—exist. This stance is supported by key arguments: (1) reverse racism misunderstands discrimination and racism, (2) ignores historical context and power dynamics, (3) misinterprets discrimination dynamics, (4) denies racial privileges, (5) misunderstands affirmative action, and (6) neglects evidence of White advantages. [ 58 , 59 ].

However, a 2017 report revealed that 55% of White respondents believed that racism against White people exists [ 60 ]. In 2020, data from FiveThirtyEight showed that 73% of Republicans, 38% of independents, and 22% of Democrats shared this belief [ 61 ]. Public figures like Elon Musk and Scott Adams have propagated these narratives, indicating growing acceptance of reverse racism among White individuals [ 62 ]. This data shows an interest by White people to acknowledge racism against White people in contemporary American culture despite the key arguments that maintain it cannot exist.

While some White people fear that systemic racism against White people is emerging as we become a racial minority, it is important to focus on creating equitable systems that prevent any form of systemic oppression. This demographic shift is part of the natural progression of society in the US and is projected to occur within the next two decades. However, this change will not happen suddenly; we are already in the transitional phase. White nationalist groups have weaponized this notion and propagated The Great Replacement Theory, suggesting that White individuals in the US are experiencing systematic displacement and eradication [ 63 ]. This conspiracy has been cited in the manifestos of mass shootings at the Christchurch Mosque in New Zealand and Walmart in El Paso, Texas, in 2019; the Squirrel Hill synagogue shooting in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, in 2018; and the Tops Supermarket shooting in Buffalo, New York, in 2022 [ 64 ].

Even if textbook definitions do not support the existence of reverse racism, many White people believe it exists. Ignoring this belief can have deadly consequences, as evidenced by these violent acts. We must also recognize our unintentional role in fostering dangerous narratives due to a disconnect between our theory and practice concerning White people. For instance, children born between 2008 and 2016, who grew up during Barack Obama's presidency, will experience Donald Trump as their first president who is White. This shift in experience underscores the evolving nature of our language, demographics, societal experiences, and the importance of updating our social definitions accordingly. As social workers, it is imperative that our practices reflect these changes to effectively serve our communities.

4.8 The intervention vs. prevention binary

A second oversight in social work's fight against White supremacy is the false dichotomy between intervention and prevention. Effectively addressing systemic racism in social work requires a nuanced understanding of intervention and prevention strategies. Balancing intervention—challenging oppressive systems [ 65 , 66 ]—with prevention—eliminating conditions that obstruct optimal social functioning [ 67 , 68 , 69 ]—is essential. CRT’s principle of Interest Convergence can guide this balance by identifying common interests supporting immediate interventions and long-term preventive measures. We must see these approaches as complementary, with a focus on preventive measures. Like addressing a flood, we need to aid survivors and construct a dam to stop future occurrences.

However, efforts to shift social work culture toward prevention often go unheeded [ 70 ]. If we understand White supremacy as a problem White people have created, then preventing White supremacy means working with White people. As reported by Guidestar, the database of registered nonprofits in the US, the majority of organizations working within community and economic development, education, human rights, and human services are explicitly working with Black (29%), Latin@ (20.6%), Native (16.1%), Multi-Racial (15.4%), and Asian (11.2%) populations [ 71 ]. While these organizations play a crucial role in supporting marginalized communities, the limited focus of nonprofits working explicitly with White people—only 3.7%—highlights a significant gap. Without addressing the population that perpetuates White supremacy, it can feel unpreventable, leading to misconceptions about its inevitability.

Effectively combating White supremacy in social work requires a balanced approach that integrates both intervention and prevention strategies. Viewing these methods as complementary enables us to address immediate harms while eliminating the conditions that allow systemic racism to persist. While prioritizing preventive measures is essential, we must also recognize the necessity of immediate interventions to challenge oppressive systems and support those affected. Currently, many efforts overlook the principle of Interest Convergence, focusing more on harm reduction than on reducing harm itself. By aligning our strategies, we can more properly attune our praxis.

4.9 Example: “de-centering Whiteness”

The phrase and practice of “de-centering Whiteness” has become common in the US [ 32 , 72 , 73 , 74 , 75 ]. De-centering is generally known as the process of moving away from treating White cultural norms, values, and perspectives as the default or standard in our literature, classrooms, and staff meetings throughout the helping professions. However, based on the misconceptions we hold around race and racism (see Table  1 ) White people might feel hesitant to engage in spaces focused on decentering Whiteness due to fears of being labeled or judged, self-doubt about our understanding of racism, and feelings of exclusion from responsibility. Additionally, we may perceive that our contributions are undervalued or that their unique perspectives and experiences are not considered relevant. “De-centering” then becomes internalized as code for shutting down or tuning out White people. People of color are centered; White people are de-centered: zero-sum. There is no talk of co-centering. Often, it’s these spaces that profess to support CRT who are suddenly fumbling one of its core principles (re: Interest Convergence). Ironically, by getting White people to stop talking about Whiteness the interests of Republicans and conservative movements to stifle race-related conversations are inadvertently supported in liberal spaces [ 76 , 77 , 78 ].

Centering leadership from marginalized groups while holding White individuals accountable for most of the work can be seen as an attempt to manufacture Interest Convergence. This well-intentioned strategy risks reducing White individuals' agency to mere compliance rather than active participation, leading to superficial engagement that lacks genuine understanding and long-term commitment to racial justice. Moreover, this approach can inadvertently reinforce zero-sum thinking by implying that the empowerment of people of color necessitates the disempowerment of White individuals. Instead, a more effective strategy would involve co-creating spaces where White people and people of color can lead and collaborate, recognizing the unique contributions and responsibilities of each group. This balanced approach aligns with the principles of Interest Convergence by ensuring that the interests of all parties are considered and integrated into the collective effort to dismantle systemic racism.

Over the past decade, many North American classrooms, conferences, and social service providers have shifted toward 'De-Centering Whiteness.' While the goal is to de-center Whitenormativity, current literature suggests removing White people from these conversations [ 32 ]. Literature shows that when White people enter race and racism conversations, we often feel poorly informed, miseducated, or uneasy. Our involvement decreases, and we anticipate that Indigenous, Latin@, Black, and Asian people will fill the silence, teach, and lead [ 48 , 72 , 74 ]. This often places an undue burden on people of color to lead and educate. This dynamic creates an escape for White people from engaging meaningfully in intergroup dialogues [ 75 ].

In social work, misinterpreting 'de-centering' Whiteness fosters a belief in zero-sum equity—that making space for marginalized groups means taking space from White individuals [ 56 ]. A recent journal example illustrates this by advocating for inclusivity while suggesting the education system 'de-emphasize' Whiteness, reflecting a counterproductive shift toward zero-sum thinking. What is more: White people do not have to internally stop ourselves from showing up, because other well-intentioned White people are already telling us to sit down and not speak.

The flawed approach that elevating marginalized voices requires silencing White voices reinforces the erroneous belief that White perspectives on racism are fixed, ignoring the fluid nature of racial interactions. This, coupled with increasing societal segregation, raises vital questions about our collective liberation and the importance of mutual accountability among all racial demographics [ 79 , 80 ].

Interest Convergence suggests that efforts to prevent White supremacist structures—like de-centering Whiteness or avoiding race discussions—hinder collective progress. Instead of removing White voices from the conversation, Interest Convergence advocates for a balanced approach where the interests of both White individuals and marginalized groups are aligned. Involving White people in race-based initiatives can bridge understanding and foster collective action toward systemic change. Overlooking the role of White individuals in addressing systemic racism by failing to acknowledge the impact of race only serves to preserve the structures we are seeking to change.

This oversight underscores the need for careful integration of CWS and CRT within social work.

Implementing Interest Convergence in social work invites us to collaboratively confront and address systemic racism. This collaboration is central to both CRT and effective social work practice, challenging us to move beyond binary perspectives of intervention and prevention toward true inclusivity and accountability.

5 Critical Whiteness Studies

Critical Whiteness Studies (CWS) explores Whiteness as a social construct and its implications across cultural, historical, and institutional contexts [ 6 , 81 ]. Scholars from various disciplines contribute to CWS by examining the origins, manifestations, and privileges of White people. It is crucial to examine Whiteness itself, rather than taking it for granted. This involves questioning how Whiteness is constructed, maintained, and contested, and understanding its role in systemic racism. CWS's mission is evident in its engagement with CRT, aiming to prevent oppressive systems and encourage ethical practices that address race and power complexities. By understanding how Whiteness operates within social work and other fields, we can identify and address the unique stresses, such as Perpetration-Induced Traumatic Stress (PITS) and moral injury, thereby facilitating more authentic engagement for our collective liberation.

5.1 Liberalism and CWS

Since 68.8% of social workers in the US are White and operate within Western Liberalism's political and moral framework, this paper uses Critical Race Theory's Critique of Liberalism along with CWS [ 28 ]. The Critique of Liberalism argues that the ideas of individualism, equality, and freedom in classical liberalism can hide systemic racial injustices [ 82 ]. For decades, the anti-racism movement has relied on the narrative that education is the answer to injustice: if we know better, we do better. However, recent data shows that support for Black Lives Matter has declined, and many believe race relations have not improved [ 83 ]. Addressing these issues through CWS is essential for social work. It underscores the need for something deeper with concrete actions to prevent systemic injustices, moving beyond mere education and awareness.

5.2 Mental health needs of White liberals

When White people realize that our beliefs in liberalism clash with systemic racial injustices, we have a spectrum of emotional responses, including cognitive dissonance, guilt, shame, emotional exhaustion, and identity crises. In 2020, at the height of the dual pandemics of COVID-19 and systemic racism, only 11.2% of White people received counseling or therapy at least once from a mental health professional [ 84 ]. This suggests that seeking mental health support was not a widespread response—or financially viable—among White people, even amidst a global health crisis and civil unrest. Stigmas around mental health are still quite high [ 85 ], which may contribute to this low percentage. Therefore, when White people do seek mental health support, it is crucial to use skilled interventions to address these emotional responses and prevent these responses from reinforcing White supremacy.

This paper advocates addressing the mental health needs of White liberals as a strategy to prevent the perpetuation of White supremacy. This argument is supported by the works of Baldwin [ 2 ], Morrison [ 86 ], and Menakem [ 87 ], who highlight racism as a manifestation of White people’s troubled relationship with mental health. Central to this discussion is exploring guilt and shame among White social work students, a common thread in recent studies [ 88 , 89 , 90 ]. By addressing these mental health challenges, we can better equip White people to engage in collective liberation work without being hindered by emotional barriers, ultimately contributing to the prevention of systemic racism.

5.3 Guilt and shame

Guilt and shame, while related, influence self-concept and self-esteem differently. Guilt is transient, triggered by wrongdoing (re: 'I did something bad'), offering a pathway to rectification [ 91 , 92 ]. Shame, however, is more enduring, entailing a deeper internalization of fault (re: 'I am bad'), which can significantly hinder personal and professional growth. As White people become more aware of racial privilege and systemic racism, we often experience these emotions. Understanding these emotions through lived experiences is essential for navigating discussions on race and racism. However, color-blind and post-racial approaches can exacerbate or dismiss these feelings, denying the need for systemic reform. Therefore, developing a positive White racial identity requires acknowledging the emotional landscape of being White [ 93 , 94 , 95 , 96 ], particularly in the dynamics between guilt and shame.

5.4 White guilt

White guilt, emerging from the 1960s liberation movements, has evolved, resulting in diverse viewpoints on preventing racism today [ 50 , 97 ]. White guilt is the remorse some White people feel when we recognize racial injustices and how our race protects us from these injustices. Research around trust and self-worth offers valuable insight into White guilt. While cultivating a robust moral compass is beneficial [ 98 , 99 ]—particularly for middle-class White people—feelings of White guilt can hinder our ability to trust ourselves and have positive self-worth. This highlights the importance of addressing White guilt for societal progress and individual well-being [ 100 , 101 ].

Moreover, this overwhelming sense of guilt can lead White individuals to believe that we are incapable of leading or co-leading anti-racism work. Current social justice narratives suggest that White individuals cannot prevent White supremacy without the leadership of people of color [ 102 , 103 , 104 ]. This perspective emphasizes the importance of centering the experiences and leadership of people of color in anti-racism initiatives. However, it is sometimes misinterpreted as suggesting that only people of color should lead these efforts [ 49 , 105 ] (See Table  1 , misconceptions 8 through 10). Such misinterpretations can lead to the simplistic belief that White people are always guilty of wanting to maintain White supremacy, which makes it hard to believe we can fight against it effectively.

High-profile incidents like the deaths of Trayvon Martin, Michael Brown, and Breonna Taylor have ignited a racial awakening among many White people, with the Black Lives Matter movement keeping this dialogue at the forefront [ 106 , 107 , 108 ]. The enduring presence of the Black Lives Matter movement, highlighting police brutality, has made it difficult for many White people to ignore these issues. From 2016 to 2019, the Pew Research Center observed a 50% increase in White people recognizing racial discrimination [ 109 ]. By the decade’s end, a majority of White Americans (55%) acknowledged that racial discrimination was occurring in the US. The escalation of conversations surrounding race, racism, Whitenormativity, and White supremacy across various platforms, including the Super Bowl Halftime Show [ 110 ], housekeeping magazines aimed at suburban mothers [ 111 ], and children's networks like Nickelodeon, which aired an eight-minute and forty-six-second tribute to George Floyd [ 112 ], has brought racism, from interpersonal to systemic, into the limelight of national discourse.

This widespread exposure to discussions of racism has influenced White American culture and profoundly affected our collective consciousness. Against this backdrop, White Americans' understanding of our role in a racially structured society has begun to unravel. This confrontation with explicit racism and the realization of complicity in systemic injustice has led to what some describe as “moral injury” among White liberals, affecting deeply held moral values and beliefs.

5.5 Moral injury and perpetration-induced traumatic stress

Moral injury, initially associated with traumatic experiences like warfare, has found increasing relevance in racial discourse [ 48 , 113 , 114 ]. It arises when individuals experience, witness, or fail to prevent actions that contradict their moral beliefs and expectations. This contradiction leads to profound psychological distress, characterized by guilt, shame, disgust, anger, struggles with self-forgiveness, and changes in behavior, relationships, and spirituality. It may also include feelings of betrayal by leaders or peers [ 115 , 116 ]. This construct can emerge as White people confront our involvement in a racist system, particularly when viewed through the Critique of Liberalism [ 42 , 45 , 49 ]. Depending on the perceived severity of the racist act, moral injury often manifests as feelings associated with White guilt [ 113 , 114 ]. Prolonged engagement with guilt-like thoughts can exacerbate stress, potentially leading to a state of emotional paralysis; being stuck.

Research on perpetration-induced traumatic stress (PITS), initially applied to combat veterans and executioners [ 117 , 118 ], now extends to White populations grappling with this emotional paralysis or "stuckness" [ 48 , 113 ]. At the heart of PITS is the struggle to transcend the discomfort of moral injury, marked by continuous distressing memories and psychological distress [ 119 ]. This traumatic stress is characterized by persistent avoidance of trauma-associated stimuli and negative changes in cognition and mood. PITS takes the concept of moral injury one step further by internalizing the conflict—transitioning from "I have done something bad" to "I am bad," which reflects the shift from guilt to shame.

Given the recent emergence of PITS, moral injury, White shame, and White guilt in both academic and public discourse [ 48 , 90 , 120 ], it is important to clarify that these terms are often used interchangeably. However, moral injury is more closely related to White guilt, while PITS is more aligned with White shame. Each term represents a deeper psychological impact, compounding the initial trauma with self-condemnation.

5.6 Emotional impact of White shame and guilt on anti-racist efforts

Two recent studies have examined the issue of White shame's impact on our collective liberation from White supremacy, yielding insightful findings. The first study, conducted in 2019 by Grzanka, Frantell, and Fassinger [ 120 ], explore the relationship between emotions and attitudes toward racism among White people. It found that White shame was weakly and negatively correlated with racist attitudes, suggesting that higher levels of such shame do not inherently lead to reduced racist views. In contrast, White guilt was strongly associated with rejecting racist attitudes, indicating that guilt might be a more effective motivator for White individuals to adopt anti-racist perspectives. The study suggests that emotional responses to racism, particularly guilt, can be leveraged in educational and social initiatives to encourage deeper anti-racist commitments. This insight suggests focusing on guilt rather than inducing shame to interrupt and interrogate racist attitudes within White communities.

The second study by Brock-Petroshius, Garcia-Perez, Gross, and Abrams found that shame was significantly linked with fewer anti-racist behaviors than colorblind attitudes [ 90 ]. This finding suggests that White shame acts as a considerable obstacle to engaging in anti-racist actions. Although the research team did not identify a significant relationship between guilt and anti-racist behaviors, they acknowledged the existence of a positive relationship. This underlines the need for interventions to help White MSW students manage feelings of shame or guilt from reduced colorblind attitudes and highlights the importance of reducing White shame and promoting anti-racist actions. Shame can inhibit anti-racist activities despite a deeper understanding of racism and a solid intent to engage in anti-racist actions. Interestingly, more respondents said they felt higher levels of shame compared to empathy or guilt, even though the average score for shame was similar to that of guilt. The self-perception of shame among respondents is notably higher than that of empathy or guilt. This discrepancy highlights the personal impact and potentially more profound experience of shame, suggesting it may significantly influence behaviors or attitudes.

These studies suggest that while White guilt might motivate anti-racist perspectives, without careful management, White guilt could potentially lead to White shame, which does not inherently reduce racist views [ 90 , 120 ]. These findings highlight the need for interventions to guide White individuals through guilt-related experiences and away from the paralyzing effects of shame, enabling meaningful actions towards our collective liberation.

5.7 White Shame Culture

White Shame Culture, a feature of contemporary White liberalism, arises from the acknowledgment of racial privilege and the perpetuation of White supremacy. It is characterized by pervasive feelings of shame related to racial identity, fueled by social justice discourses that often frame racial equity as a zero-sum competition. This culture is marked by a lack of positive White racial identity formation and resistance to transformative practices aimed at achieving collective liberation. White Shame Culture is rampant with untreated moral injury and Perpetration-Induced Traumatic Stress (PITS), often disguised as the "Good White Person" complex [ 44 ], where individuals strive to be seen as morally superior without addressing underlying issues. Understanding White Shame Culture involves examining its systemic manifestations, which extend beyond individual anxieties to influence group norms, values, and traditions. Addressing this culture requires proactive racial justice measures and educational initiatives that transform shame into constructive action, fostering a positive and equitable racial identity.

For example, the term "Karen" exemplifies societal entitlements and racial insensitivity [ 121 ], causing anxiety among White women about public shaming and social ostracization [ 122 , 123 , 124 ]. While some women do exhibit 'Karen' behaviors (re: entitled, often territorial policing, racially insensitive), the misappropriation of the term outside of these behaviors helps to perpetuate White Shame Culture, making it difficult for White women to build a positive identity around their Whiteness. CRT and CWS stress introspection and fostering positive White identities as key steps toward equity [ 27 , 81 , 87 ].

Furthermore, social justice literature advises White individuals to brace for potential isolation from other White people and possible rejection from communities of color, contributing to heightened internalized guilt among White liberals [ 42 , 125 , 126 , 127 ]. Public shaming and social ostracization, intertwined with the fear of isolation, underscore pervasive anxiety among White individuals as we confront our racial identities, transforming personal guilt into communal and internal shame.

To mitigate this shame, some White individuals downplay or conceal our racial identity, adopt cultural markers of other groups, sidestep discussions on White-specific topics, or use pseudonyms and avatars online [ 128 , 129 ]. This effect, distinct from cultural appropriation, often results in White individuals tokenizing academics and artists of color, frequently out of context, as a performative act of anti-racism [ 130 ]. This can also look like White people having a pronounced lack of patience and empathy for other White people or claiming expertise on the experiences of people of color. These behaviors, a form of credentialing to be received as a “Good White Person” [ 131 ], mirror the chameleon effect, critiqued by CRT and CWS as performative, indicating a need for authentic engagement with racial matters beyond superficial actions.

Paradoxically, these external stressors, expectations of rejection, internalized stigma, and identity concealment align with Minority Stress Theory (MST), initially designed to understand stressors faced by marginalized groups [ 132 ]. Increasingly prevalent among White liberals, these characteristics underscore the emergence of MST-like experiences, signaling a need for understanding and supportive mental-health measures for White people struggling with PITS.

Exploring these emotional dynamics and behavioral patterns through CRT and CWS unveils the intricate web of White guilt and shame and emphasizes moving beyond performative gestures toward our collective liberation. This deep-seated anxiety, shared across the political spectrum, highlights the reach of White supremacy and shame—and the need to transform the norms, values, and traditions that maintain it within liberal settings. Addressing the psychological impact of these dynamics is paramount in preventing White supremacy and fostering environments conducive to introspection and meaningful action.

While anti-racism work has traditionally focused on the implications of White supremacy for populations of color [ 133 , 134 , 135 ], it is equally critical to address the escalating racialized anxiety within White populations. As Charles notes, "White America could not perpetrate five hundred years of dehumanizing injustice without traumatizing itself” [ 113 ]. By integrating insights from the Critique of Liberalism, CWS, moral injury, and PITS, we achieve a nuanced understanding of White Shame Culture and its ramifications, advocating for informed dialogues and collective efforts toward racial equity and the work necessary to prevent White supremacy at individual and systemic levels.

6 Applications for social work

The application of CWS and CRT in social work is crucial to effectively address systemic racism. Group work is a pivotal strategy in this endeavor [ 136 ], highlighting the importance of interpersonal relationships and individual commitments in shaping and transforming the systems and institutions we navigate. Reflective and transformative approaches, which involve continuous self-assessment and adaptation in practice, are essential in social work education and practice. These approaches enable the identification and correction of ingrained prejudices, fostering genuine understanding and collective liberation.

White social work practitioners face unique challenges, including negative emotions and mistrust towards our coworkers, which can hinder collaborative efforts. Addressing anti-White bias, alongside other forms of bias, and promoting empathy are vital steps in cultivating an inclusive environment where all individuals can contribute meaningfully to the fight against White supremacy. By integrating these insights and acknowledging the diverse perspectives within the field, social workers can play an instrumental role in leading our collective liberation.

6.1 Group work

A significant tool to prevent White supremacy lies in our ability to work with groups. Intergroup dialogue, as outlined by Bohm [ 137 ], is an exceptionally well-crafted tool to meet this moment. Bohm explains that dialogue involves participants openly sharing their thoughts and experiences, which helps everyone gain a clearer understanding and work together more effectively. Dialogue is not merely a conversation where we wait for our turn to speak; it requires us to actively listen and truly understand the other person's perspective before considering how our own views align or differ. In a dialogue, there is no attempt to win. The zero-sum mindset is avoided. Instead, everybody wins if anybody wins. This collective spirit is vital for genuine collaboration and preventing systemic issues like White supremacy.

Combating White supremacy relies on group work that improves interpersonal relationships and acknowledges individual contributions. As Toseland and Rivas find [ 136 ], group work nurtures the socio-emotional needs of individuals and the group. Since group work is mandated by the Council on Social Work Education [ 138 ], we must hold ourselves accountable for not fully utilizing this powerful tool effectively in the fight against White supremacy. By critically examining and reflecting on our group work practices, we can identify and correct ingrained prejudices, fostering genuine understanding and actions toward our collective liberation.

While some perspectives in social work focus on racism as a macro-level problem inherent in systemic and institutional discrimination, it is crucial to consider the influence of individual and collective values and morals in shaping these systems and institutions. We must stop thinking of systems and institutions as amorphous, wandering behemoths. Policies and laws are simply the morals and values of a group of people.

Interpersonal relationships and individual commitments are crucial for group work in preventing White supremacy. However, some White social work practitioners may harbor negative emotions toward our White counterparts, including frustration and mistrust, as observed in certain contexts. These feelings are often borne out in classrooms [ 139 ], professional forums [ 140 ], and social media comment sections of many social work organizations. Many social workers recognize that historical contributions by White individuals have played a significant role in shaping contemporary societal issues. Contributions to oppressive ideologies in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries can still shape contemporary dynamics, fueling mistrust toward White colleagues, especially White, straight, cisgender men [ 121 , 141 , 142 ].

6.2 Addressing anti-White bias

Despite social work’s efforts to address racism and White supremacy over the past fifty years [ 143 , 144 , 145 ], some White people feel devalued and discriminated against in social work curricula [ 88 , 146 ]. As of 2017, White students are now underrepresented in higher education, with significant decreases in Ivy League schools, the University of California system, and a 31.49% decrease of enrollment at major institutions since 1980 [ 147 ]. Within classrooms, many White students argue that coursework overlooks anti-White bias and induces guilt or discomfort about our racial identity [ 88 ]. Cases like the Ontario school principal who took his own life after being accused of White supremacist behavior during a training session—led by a social worker—for public educators highlight the emotional toll such discussions can take, notably when adequate support is lacking [ 148 , 149 ]. These practices highlight how disconnected social work has become from our best practices for social change and adherence to the NASW Code of Ethics in our anti-racism work [ 150 ].

Many articles, publications, and media on White supremacy for White audiences emphasize White privilege. While this is an important aspect, it creates a single-story narrative of Whiteness. Very little is said about the ways White people are negatively impacted—directly and indirectly—by White supremacy. However, the work of scholars like Todd Jealous and Haskell [ 47 ], Brock-Petroshius [ 90 ], Grzanka [ 120 ], Lensmire [ 52 ], Spanierman [ 151 ], Burnett [ 50 ], Charles [ 113 ], and Grishow-Schade [ 114 ], and the insights from the Spillway [ 48 ], highlight the importance of our collective role in understanding this issue. These authors reveal the paradox of being White in contemporary U.S. culture, where we are both perpetrators and victims of White supremacy. This perspective calls for active involvement, stressing the need to complicate the narrative that White people only have positive and privileged racialized experiences.

Even though research shows the inefficacy of inducing guilt, shame, and discomfort about racial identity [ 90 , 120 ], social workers have continued to use these approaches. However, in a profession built on values of service, social justice, dignity, and integrity [ 143 ], we must question whether these methods truly benefit White racial identity development and strengthen the relationships needed for group work. Sustainable growth is challenging amidst emotional dysregulation [ 152 ], as it can hinder our ability to adhere to our Code of Ethics. Therefore, fostering emotional attunement and empathy is essential for constructive dialogue and ethical practice. Change needs empathy.

Feelings of hostility or mistrust toward White people from various racialized communities can be understood from a psychological, emotional, and somatic perspective [ 153 , 154 ]. These communities have borne the brunt of racism, impacting their relationship to White culture and White people. However, similar emotional responses among White social workers toward other White people need a different analytical lens. By adopting the CWS framework, we can gain a deeper understanding of the complexities surrounding the presumption of guilt among White social workers by White social workers. It also provides tools to navigate and mitigate these feelings, enhancing the effectiveness of social work across diverse racial and ethnic contexts and preventing White supremacy. This dynamic of White people harboring negative feelings toward other White people can also be seen as profitable within the context of the Nonprofit Industrial Complex (NPIC), which underscores the financial motivations behind these emotional responses.

6.3 The Nonprofit Industrial Complex

Financial sustainability in social service nonprofits often depends on external funding rather than clients paying for services. The NPIC highlights the dynamics among nonprofit organizations, government agencies, and private funders, showing how reliance on external funding can divert social movements from their core objectives and create caution in confronting harmful practices by funders due to fear of losing financial support [ 155 ].

The NPIC tends to fund intervention services over preventative measures, showing a bias for immediate solutions over addressing root causes. This bias is evident in child welfare, where only 11 percent of funds are directed toward preventative efforts, underscoring the constraints of the current funding landscape [ 156 ].

Smith critiques the 501(c)(3) model [ 157 ], which many social justice organizations adopt to secure tax-deductible donations and foundation grants. This model can co-opt movements, forcing them to conform to the priorities of funders rather than their communities. The NPIC promotes a social movement culture that is non-collaborative, narrowly focused, and competitive—re: zero-sum, Liberalism—often stifling genuine activism and innovation.

The NPIC's competitive nature forces groups to vie for limited resources, often promoting their work at the expense of broader coalition-building. This competition can dilute the focus on systemic change and maintain the status quo. This liberal approach often prioritizes incremental change and personal achievements rather than addressing systemic inequalities through group efforts. By focusing on individual success, the NPIC undermines the power of collective action and solidarity, which are essential for achieving true social justice. Foundations, while providing temporary relief, can mask underlying issues like White supremacy, as they often prefer funding projects that do not challenge systemic inequalities.

Spade advocates for a paradigm shift in the NPIC toward prevention-focused strategies that address the root causes of marginalization and oppression [ 158 ]. Drawing inspiration from public health successes like anti-smoking campaigns, Spade emphasizes that balancing immediate interventions with long-term preventative measures is crucial. Combining insights from INCITE! Women of Color Against Violence—who wrote the seminal guide to the NPIC [ 155 ]—with Spade there exists a profound transformation required in funding strategies centered on racial equity. This reform aims to support individual and group efforts necessary for systemic change, ensuring a fairer distribution of financial resources and promoting sustainable change [ 155 , 156 , 159 ].

Recent research from the Philanthropic Initiative for Racial Equity reveals that nonprofits received $4.47 billion in race-related funding in 2020 alone [ 160 ]. Further analysis shows that foundations, funds, and trusts provided $111.58 billion for race-focused initiatives in education, health, human rights, and social rights from 2003 to 2021. Of this, only 0.49% ($557 million) was allocated for initiatives serving "people of European descent." Through the lens of CRT and CWS, this is less than half a cent of every dollar spent on race-related funding for preventative actions.

Thus, how we think about our work—considering power dynamics, Liberalism, zero-sum thinking, and the balance between prevention and intervention—greatly influences our funding strategies. To address these challenges, it is crucial to explore alternative resources and strategies that prioritize prevention over short-term interventions. Informed by CRT and CWS praxis, this shift toward preventative paradigms is vital for our funding streams. By focusing on preventive measures, we can better address the root causes of social issues, ensuring our efforts lead to sustainable change. This strategy aligns with our mission to promote social justice, challenges the systemic constraints of the NPIC, and advocates for a more equitable distribution of financial resources, ultimately reimagining how social work can meet the needs of all communities.

7 Preventing systemic racism

Integrating CWS and CRT within social work is fundamental to effectively addressing systemic racism. Group work is a pivotal strategy, emphasizing the importance of interpersonal relationships and individual commitments in transforming our systems and institutions. Reflective and transformative approaches enable the identification and correction of ingrained prejudices, fostering genuine understanding and collective liberation. Intergroup dialogue and critical examination of group work practices can enhance collaboration and mitigate systemic issues like White supremacy.

Secondly, White social work practitioners face unique challenges, including anti-White bias, negative emotions, and White Shame Culture that can hinder collaboration. Addressing these biases and promoting empathy, an essential quality in our work, are vital for creating an inclusive environment.

Lastly, the Nonprofit Industrial Complex (NPIC) presents additional challenges, often prioritizing intervention over prevention. However, a shift towards prevention-focused strategies that address root causes, informed by CRT and CWS, is beneficial and urgent for sustainable change and social justice.

Maintaining momentum in these efforts can be challenging. As Mondros and Wilson observed [ 161 ], participation often declines after initial enthusiasm peaks. To counter this, it is crucial to focus on factors that encourage long-term engagement, such as emphasizing the group's impact, building a supportive community, maintaining a strong interest in tasks, and recognizing every member's contribution.

By focusing on these aspects, especially within the context of White social workers, we enhance individual accountability and strengthen interpersonal relationships. This approach fosters a resilient and committed community ready to tackle and prevent systemic racism through evidence-based practices in group work, aiming to root out deep-seated prejudices that fuel racial inequities.

Ultimately, embracing reflective, group-based efforts and shifting towards collective, community-focused liberation will pave the way for a social justice environment where ideals are actively pursued and realized. Social workers must adopt these principles to foster a more equitable and just profession, ensuring that our efforts lead to meaningful and sustainable change.

7.1 How we start

The transformation toward preventative work in social services requires social workers across nonprofit organizations, academic institutions, and funding bodies to address pivotal areas. This task necessitates a profound understanding of the intersection of racism and mental health, specifically among White individuals.

First and foremost, it is essential to recognize the diversity within White populations. Being White does not equate to uniform experiences or perspectives. Social workers must comprehend the unique racial experiences and perceptions of White individuals, debunking common misconceptions about homogeneity within this group. By acknowledging this diversity, we can tailor our approaches to be more effective and sensitive to individual experiences.

Facilitating intergroup dialogue is another critical aspect. Dialogues about systemic racism often stir feelings of guilt and shame. Social workers can provide spaces for constructive intergroup dialogue, mitigating feelings of isolation and potential radicalization. These dialogues can help bridge gaps in understanding and foster a sense of community and shared responsibility in addressing racism.

Implementing trauma-informed approaches is integral to promoting understanding and preventing racism. Social workers need to acknowledge the unique stresses that White individuals might experience like PITS, moral injury, and MST. Trauma-informed approaches can support these individuals in their journey toward healing, helping us understand and combat the roots of racism within ourselves and our communities.

Debunking misconceptions about race, racism, and White supremacy is a critical role for social workers (See Table 1 ). Challenging harmful stereotypes and assumptions fosters a nuanced understanding of these complex issues. By promoting accurate and comprehensive views of these topics, we can dismantle the biases that perpetuate systemic racism.

Promoting and building leadership among White individuals in collective liberation work shifts the responsibility of preventing White supremacy away from marginalized populations who are most impacted by it. Encouraging White people to take initiative allows for respect for each group's unique healing and restoration paths from a place of lived experience. This shift is essential for fostering a collective commitment to social justice.

Advocating for transparency through open and honest discussions about racialized harm and trauma is necessary for healing. Social workers should offer resources to help White individuals understand our role in systemic racism and White Shame Culture. These discussions can pave the way for greater awareness and responsibility in addressing racial harm.

Practicing empathy is crucial in these efforts. Understanding that everyone is at different stages in comprehending race and racism can facilitate more productive interventions. Some White individuals are firmly rooted in White Shame Culture, some traverse between Shame and Supremacy Cultures depending on their context, and others actively seek a return to explicit forms of White supremacy. By meeting individuals where they are, social workers can guide ourselves and other White people more effectively toward greater awareness and action.

Group work plays a significant role in addressing contemporary systemic and institutional racism. Often, the failure to tackle the policies, practices, and values of groups and organizations perpetuates these issues. The key to systems change is merely group work. Even the largest companies in the world do not have more than 12 people on their board of directors. Collaborative efforts are essential for driving significant change.

Lastly, reforming funding strategies to prioritize preventive measures over short-term interventions is critical. By addressing the root causes of societal issues and promoting sustainable, equitable social change within the NPIC framework, we can create long-lasting impacts. Investing in prevention work is essential for fostering a more just and equitable society.

7.2 Action steps

Provide immediate resources and build emotional resilience : offer accessible resources that support immediate needs, such as crisis hotlines, counseling services, and support groups. Build emotional resilience by creating spaces for emotional expression and open discussions without fear of judgment, such as community workshops and peer support circles.

Promote anti-racist actions : engage in meaningful conversations about race and racism, especially with those who may not share your views. If everyone in the room has the same definition of justice, it’s not a diverse space [ 162 ]. Approach these conversations with compassion, patience, empathy, and understanding. For example, organize intergroup dialogues that foster new relationships.

Create healing affinity spaces : develop and maintain healing spaces that allow for personal growth and deeper understanding within affinity groups. Examples include dedicated rooms in community centers for reflective practices, online support groups, and retreats focused on racial healing and identity exploration.

Encourage reflective practices : promote introspective activities such as reflective journaling, meditation, or self-assessment exercises. These practices help individuals organize and deeply understand our thoughts and experiences, fostering personal growth. Provide resources like guided journals, online meditation sessions, and self-assessment tools while being mindful to reflect on more than only our privileges.

Leverage technology for engagement : utilize online platforms and social media to facilitate the exploration of racial identity and intergroup dynamics. Choose the medium that best supports individual learning and engagement styles. Examples include virtual discussion groups, webinars, and interactive educational platforms.

Shift accountability to include all parties : ensure accountability mechanisms consider the needs of those harmed, those who caused harm, and their communities. Accountability should validate humanity while enabling behavior correction. Implement restorative justice practices that involve all parties in the accountability process.

Build community support : foster community building through local meetups, online forums, or social media groups. These communities offer support and foster meaningful relationships grounded in compassion and empathy. Examples include organizing neighborhood potlucks, creating online discussion groups, and hosting community-building events. Consider a support group for people in White Shame Culture.

Understand the difference between shame and guilt : educate individuals on the difference between shame ("I am bad") and guilt ("I did something bad"). Effective accountability should avoid reinforcing White Shame Culture. Provide educational workshops and resources that focus on understanding and applying this distinction.

Proactive and reactive approaches : implement both proactive and reactive strategies to heal and prevent harm. This dual approach is essential for sustainable personal and societal change. Examples include preemptive educational campaigns and responsive support services for those affected by racial harm.

8 Conclusion

To address systemic racism and White supremacy, integrating Critical Race Theory (CRT) and Critical Whiteness Studies (CWS) into social work is essential. By examining principles like Interest Convergence and Critique of Liberalism, we can better understand power dynamics and move beyond zero-sum thinking in our approach to racial equity. This paper highlights the importance of supporting White individuals in understanding race by addressing Perpetration-Induced Traumatic Stress (PITS), moral injury, and White Shame Culture.

Self-reflection is crucial for White people in addressing racism. Morrison [ 86 ] and Baldwin [ 2 ] argue against the idea that people of color should be solely responsible for correcting or leading efforts to undo racial injustices. Menakem, a social worker, extends this argument by insisting that White people must reclaim and redefine Whiteness to embody responsibility and care [ 87 ]. He suggests building communities and supporting White leaders in anti-racism work rather than relying on Black individuals. Fred Jealous further extends this argument, challenging White people embedded in White Shame Culture with a poignant question: "Can you access the truth of your preciousness? And that's the starting place for the discussion. Can you access that? And if you can access that, can you stay there? Use it as a starting place from which to connect to all of life and from which to take a look at where you put your attention with other humans" [ 163 ].

White individuals must take a lead in preventing White supremacy. As demonstrated, these arguments are supported by the concept of Interest Convergence [ 29 , 164 ]. Various racial groups have developed strategies over centuries that meet the emotional, mental, and physical needs of White people, advocating for spaces where White individuals can heal independently—and communally—without interference [ 87 , 165 ]. This paper calls for White individuals to actively engage in collective liberation efforts, emphasizing the importance of internal community engagement before extending these efforts to broader societal interactions.

Integrating CWS offers a novel, preventative strategy to address modern White supremacy. It aims to explore the motivations behind White supremacy without justifications, tone policing, or diminishing the impact on colleagues of color. The ethos of this paper come from Audre Lorde's insight that new tools—compassion, patience, and respect—are essential in dismantling the house of White supremacy [ 166 ].

Social workers play a crucial role in applying an interpersonal approach to systemic racism. Understanding that systems and institutions are groups of individuals, this paper highlights the role of social workers in reflective practice, advocacy for systemic change, and fostering trauma-informed intergroup dialogues. Through these methods, social workers can make significant strides in preventing systemic racism.

This paper envisions a future where social work actively leads efforts toward an equitable and inclusive society. This vision is based on collective efforts, grounded in compassion, understanding, and a commitment to justice. Recognizing that liberation from oppressive systems is best achieved through collaborative efforts, social work must move beyond merely confronting White supremacy. Let’s prevent it.

8.1 Concluding positionality

A key challenge is motivating White social workers to address our racialized mental health needs. Over the years, I have focused on understanding White individuals through a trauma-informed lens. The most formidable challenge has been inspiring White social workers to consistently acknowledge and address our mental health needs related to race. I have experienced firsthand the reluctance of White colleagues—from standing faculty in schools of social work to direct service providers—to confront their racialized fears and insecurities, reflecting the pervasiveness of White Shame Culture in the helping professions. This culture leaves a significant imprint on contemporary social work practice. Confronting and addressing White Shame Culture is crucial for advancing social work toward its true potential. I acknowledge the emotional impact this discussion may have had on you, dear reader. I see you, precious friend. Me, too.

Data availability

This perspective piece primarily discusses and reviews existing literature, puts forward controversial positions or speculative hypotheses, or highlights work from one or a few research groups. Therefore, it does not involve the collection or analysis of original data, which is why this type of article does not include a data set.

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Acknowledgements

My deepest gratitude to Ben Jealous, Ariel Schwartz, Amy Hillier, Jessie Harper, Erin Cross, Jerry Bourjolly, Danna Bodenheimer, Jenny Skinner, Fred Jealous, and Lynn Burnett for their invaluable contributions in reviewing and cultivating the initial ideas of this paper. I am deeply grateful for those who, even in their pain, could only support my work privately. Their struggle with White shame taught me that it can be stronger than love, and that lesson has been profound. For Meade, Elizabeth, and Matthew.

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Grishow-Schade, L. Preventing White supremacy: an applied conceptualization for the helping professions. Discov glob soc 2 , 52 (2024). https://doi.org/10.1007/s44282-024-00084-2

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Defining mental health literacy: a systematic literature review and educational inspiration

• Shengnan Zeng , Richard Bailey , +1 author Xiaohui Chen
• Published in Journal of Public Mental… 2 September 2024
• Psychology, Education

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A systematic review of the limitations and associated opportunities of chatgpt, deductive qualitative analysis: evaluating, expanding, and refining theory, conceptualising and measuring positive mental health literacy: a systematic literature review, mental health education integration into the school curriculum needs to be implemented, review: school-based mental health literacy interventions to promote help-seeking - a systematic review., public opinion towards mental health (the case of the vologda region), quantifying the global burden of mental disorders and their economic value, mental health literacy: it is now time to put knowledge into practice, clarifying the concept of mental health literacy: protocol for a scoping review, positive mental health literacy: a concept analysis, related papers.

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Published on 2.9.2024 in Vol 26 (2024)

Strategies for Identifying and Recruiting Women at High Risk for Breast Cancer for Research Outside of Clinical Settings: Observational Study

Authors of this article:

Original Paper

• Claire C Conley 1 , PhD   ; 
• Jennifer D Rodriguez 1 , BA   ; 
• McKenzie McIntyre 2 , MPH   ; 
• Bethany L Niell 3, 4 , MD, PhD   ; 
• Suzanne C O'Neill 1 , PhD   ; 
• Susan T Vadaparampil 2 , MPH, PhD  

1 Department of Oncology, Georgetown University, Washington, DC, United States

2 Health Outcomes and Behavior Program, Moffitt Cancer Center, Tampa, FL, United States

3 Department of Diagnostic Imaging and Interventional Radiology, Moffitt Cancer Center, Tampa, FL, United States

4 Department of Oncologic Sciences, University of South Florida, Tampa, FL, United States

Corresponding Author:

Claire C Conley, PhD

Department of Oncology

Georgetown University

2115 Wisconsin Ave NW

Washington, DC, 20007

United States

Phone: 1 2026875086

Email: [email protected]

Background: Research is needed to understand and address barriers to risk management for women at high (≥20% lifetime) risk for breast cancer, but recruiting this population for research studies is challenging.

Objective: This paper compares a variety of recruitment strategies used for a cross-sectional, observational study of high-risk women.

Methods: Eligible participants were assigned female at birth, aged 25-85 years, English-speaking, living in the United States, and at high risk for breast cancer as defined by the American College of Radiology. Individuals were excluded if they had a personal history of breast cancer, prior bilateral mastectomy, medical contraindications for magnetic resonance imaging, or were not up-to-date on screening mammography per American College of Radiology guidelines. Participants were recruited from August 2020 to January 2021 using the following mechanisms: targeted Facebook advertisements, Twitter posts, ResearchMatch (a web-based research recruitment database), community partner promotions, paper flyers, and community outreach events. Interested individuals were directed to a secure website with eligibility screening questions. Participants self-reported method of recruitment during the eligibility screening. For each recruitment strategy, we calculated the rate of eligible respondents and completed surveys, costs per eligible participant, and participant demographics.

Results: We received 1566 unique responses to the eligibility screener. Participants most often reported recruitment via Facebook advertisements (724/1566, 46%) and ResearchMatch (646/1566, 41%). Community partner promotions resulted in the highest proportion of eligible respondents (24/46, 52%), while ResearchMatch had the lowest proportion of eligible respondents (73/646, 11%). Word of mouth was the most cost-effective recruitment strategy (US $4.66 per completed survey response) and paper flyers were the least cost-effective (US $1448.13 per completed survey response). The demographic characteristics of eligible respondents varied by recruitment strategy: Twitter posts and community outreach events resulted in the highest proportion of Hispanic or Latina women (1/4, 25% and 2/6, 33%, respectively), and community partner promotions resulted in the highest proportion of non-Hispanic Black women (4/24, 17%).

Conclusions: Although recruitment strategies varied in their yield of study participants, results overall support the feasibility of identifying and recruiting women at high risk for breast cancer outside of clinical settings. Researchers must balance the associated costs and participant yield of various recruitment strategies in planning future studies focused on high-risk women.

Introduction

Breast cancer is the most common non–skin cancer diagnosed among women in the United States [ 1 ]. One in 8 US women will develop breast cancer during her lifetime, equivalent to a 13% lifetime risk [ 1 ]. However, a subset of women is at high risk for developing breast cancer during their lifetime. Specifically, women who carry a pathogenic variant in genes associated with hereditary breast cancer (ie, ATM , BARD1 , BRCA1 , BRCA2 , CDH1 , CHEK2 , NF1 , PALB2 , PTEN , RAD51C , and RAD51D ), who received thoracic radiation between 10 and 30 years of age, or who have an estimated lifetime breast cancer risk of ≥20% are considered to be at high risk for breast cancer [ 2 - 4 ].

Once identified, high-risk women may consider their options for breast cancer risk management, including risk-reducing medication (tamoxifen or raloxifene) and supplemental screening with breast magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) [ 2 - 4 ]. However, uptake of breast cancer risk management options among high-risk women is low. Less than 5% (161/4055, 4.0% for raloxifene; 16/4055, 0.4% for tamoxifen) of eligible women use raloxifene or tamoxifen for breast cancer risk reduction [ 5 ], and an estimated 7%-21% (158/2403, 7% observed by Miles et al [ 6 ]; 2147/10715, 20% observed by Wernli et al [ 7 ]; and 49/228, 21% observed by Ter-Minassian et al [ 8 ]) of high-risk women have received a screening breast MRI. Research is urgently needed to understand and address barriers to breast cancer risk management among high-risk women [ 9 ].

However, identifying high-risk women for research studies can be challenging. Women at high risk for breast cancer represent a small proportion of the general population; an estimated 1%-15% (5468/42,2406, 1% observed by Miles et al [ 6 ]; 25,620/12,30,363, 2% observed by Wernli et al [ 7 ]; 183/4266, 4% observed by Weisstock et al [ 10 ]; 342/5894, 6% observed by Ozanne et al [ 11 ]; 309/2881, 11% observed by Morman et al [ 12 ]; and 440/3503, 14% observed by Niell et al [ 13 ]) of women presenting for screening mammography are identified as high-risk [ 6 , 10 - 14 ]. Recruiting high-risk women in clinical settings may be facilitated by routine assessment of breast cancer risk factors [ 15 ]. Identifying high-risk women outside of clinical settings presents additional challenges. For example, women may not self-identify as “high-risk” despite the presence of factors that increase their breast cancer risk [ 16 , 17 ] and thus may not respond to study advertisements targeting “high-risk” women. Despite these challenges, there are several significant benefits of recruiting outside of traditional clinical settings. Clinic-based recruitment inherently requires that individuals are connected to the health care system. In contrast, recruiting outside of clinical settings offers the potential for broader reach to groups that have less contact with the health care system [ 18 , 19 ]. Thus, data demonstrating the most effective ways to identify and recruit high-risk women outside of clinical settings would support the recruitment of more diverse, underserved women at high risk of breast cancer in future studies targeting this population.

We successfully recruited women at high risk for breast cancer for an observational study of barriers to screening breast MRI [ 20 , 21 ]. This paper describes recruitment strategies employed for this study and provides metrics (eg, response rate, eligibility rate, cost per eligible participant, and eligible participant demographics) for each strategy.

Procedures and Participants

Eligible participants were assigned female at birth, aged 25-85 years, English speaking, living in the United States, and at high risk for breast cancer. For the purpose of this study, high-risk groups were defined according to criteria from the American College of Radiology (ACR) [ 4 ]. Participants were considered at high risk if they had (1) a pathogenic genetic mutation associated with increased risk for breast cancer in self or a first-degree relative; (2) a history of lobular carcinoma in situ (LCIS); (3) received thoracic radiation between 10 and 30 years of age; or (4) an estimated lifetime breast cancer risk of ≥20% per the National Cancer Institute (NCI) Breast Cancer Risk Assessment Tool (BCRAT) [ 22 ]. Although other, lengthier risk assessment models (eg, Breast Cancer Surveillance Consortium, Tyrer-Cuzick) have better predictive ability [ 13 , 23 , 24 ], we chose to use the relatively short BCRAT to estimate lifetime breast cancer risk due to concerns about participant burden.

Exclusion criteria included personal history of breast cancer, prior bilateral mastectomy, medical contraindications for MRI, and not up-to-date on screening mammography per ACR guidelines [ 25 ]. Given that our study provided an incentive to participants, we were vulnerable to fraudulent responses by ineligible individuals motivated to harvest the incentive. For this reason, consistent with best practices for detecting fraudulent responses to web-based research studies [ 26 ], we excluded individuals who made multiple attempts at completing the web-based eligibility screener. These individuals were identified by IP address, which was captured by our survey platform (Qualtrics) upon submission of the eligibility screener.

Participant recruitment took place between August 2020 and January 2021. Participants were recruited using a variety of mechanisms including targeted Facebook advertisements, Twitter posts, ResearchMatch, community partners, paper flyers, and community outreach events. Details for each recruitment mechanism are provided in the section titled “Recruitment Strategies.” All advertisements stated that the study was focused on experiences with breast cancer screening, that women aged 25-85 years may be eligible to participate, and that participants would be compensated for survey completion. An example study advertisement is shown in Figure 1 . Interested individuals were directed to a secure website (Qualtrics) with eligibility screening questions. Those deemed eligible based on initial screener responses (ie, pathogenic genetic mutation carrier or relative, history of LCIS, or history of thoracic radiation) were able to continue to the web-based survey immediately. For all other respondents, the research team used data elements from the screener to calculate estimated lifetime risk via the NCI BCRAT. Specifically, a member of the research team downloaded Qualtrics data weekly and calculated BCRAT scores for these respondents using the available SAS macro (National Institutes of Health, National Cancer Institute) [ 27 ]. Those deemed eligible based on BCRAT scores were emailed a link to the web-based survey.

Recruitment Strategies

Participants self-reported method of recruitment during the eligibility screener. Response options included targeted Facebook advertisements, Twitter posts, ResearchMatch, community partners, paper flyers, and community outreach events, “word of mouth,” “other,” and “prefer not to answer.”

Targeted Facebook Advertisements

Targeted Facebook advertisements were distributed via the Georgetown-Howard Universities Center for Clinical and Translational Science [ 28 ]. Facebook allows advertisers to “target” individuals meeting certain demographic characteristics and who express interest in specific topics. For this study, Facebook advertisements were targeted to users: located in the United States, aged 18 years and older, whose language settings were set to English, and whose Facebook “interests” included a breast cancer research or advocacy group (eg, Breast Cancer Research Foundation, Susan G. Komen) or event (eg, National Breast Cancer Awareness Month, Making Strides Against Breast Cancer).

Twitter Posts

The study advertisement was distributed via the Georgetown Lombardi Comprehensive Cancer Center Twitter account [ 29 ]. Tweets are public by default, meaning that any Twitter user can view and interact with them. Unlike advertisements distributed via Facebook, advertisements posted on Twitter were not targeted to any particular demographic. In addition, these tweets were not “promoted,” meaning that we did not pay for their placement on Twitter. Rather, tweets were displayed to users who “follow” the Georgetown Lombardi Comprehensive Cancer Center Twitter account and other users who the Twitter algorithm deemed may be interested in the topic [ 30 ].

ResearchMatch

ResearchMatch [ 31 ] is a national electronic, web-based research recruitment database funded in part by the National Institutes of Health Clinical and Translational Science Award program and hosted at Vanderbilt University as an institutional review board (IRB)–approved data repository (VUMC IRB #090207). Study staff searched the ResearchMatch database for participants who were female, aged 25-85 years, and who did not report a personal history of breast cancer. Participants meeting these criteria were sent study invitation emails through the ResearchMatch web portal ( Multimedia Appendix 1 ). Interested participants released their contact information to the study team via the ResearchMatch platform. Study staff then followed up via email with a link to the web-based eligibility screener.

Community Partners

To further expand our reach, we worked with 2 community organizations serving women at high risk for breast cancer to promote the study. Organization A is a Florida-based nonprofit organization with the goal of supporting people at risk for or living with hereditary cancer in general. Organization B is a nonprofit organization with multiple locations across the United States with the goal of supporting people living with or at increased genetic risk for breast or ovarian cancer specifically. Both organizations distributed information about the study via email and posted about it on social media (ie, Facebook).

Paper Flyers

We developed flyers describing the study goals and activities, which included contact information for study staff and a QR code directing interested individuals to the web-based eligibility screener ( Multimedia Appendix 2 ). We mailed copies of the flyer to 279 ACR-accredited mammography clinics within our institutions’ catchment areas. These mailings included a cover letter explaining the purpose of the study and requesting that the flyer be posted in an area where potential participants might view it (ie, waiting rooms).

Community Outreach Events

NCI-designated Comprehensive Cancer Centers engage in community outreach and engagement (COE) activities, such as health fairs and other educational events. In the hopes of diversifying our study sample, we worked with COE staff to promote this study at community outreach events, which often target underserved populations (eg, under- or uninsured, racial and ethnic minority groups) within our institutional catchment areas. Specifically, COE staff at both sites brought paper copies of study flyers (described in the section “Paper Flyers”) to distribute at community outreach events.

Statistical Analysis

All analyses were conducted using SPSS (version 28; IBM Corp). First, descriptive statistics were used to calculate rates of eligible respondents and completed surveys by recruitment strategy. Second, z tests were used to compare the proportion of eligible respondents by recruitment strategy. For independent-samples proportions tests, it has been suggested that both events and nonevents should occur at least 10 times in both samples [ 32 ]. Thus, we compared only recruitment strategies that identified at least 10 eligible participants and 10 ineligible participants. z tests were 2-tailed, and a Bonferroni correction was applied to adjust for multiple comparisons. As 10 z tests were conducted, significance was specified as α<.005.

Finally, descriptive statistics were used to characterize the cost per eligible participant (ie, the amount spent on a recruitment strategy divided by the number of eligible participants resulting from that recruitment strategy) and participant demographic information. Cost was defined as direct costs (ie, the amount paid for access to a given recruitment mechanism), personnel costs (ie, the person-hours spent on a given recruitment mechanism multiplied by the hourly staff wage), and overhead costs (ie, fixed costs such as rent, utilities, and phone). Person-hours included time spent on setup (eg, developing flyers and advertisements, meeting with community partners, and posting advertisements on social media), contacting potential participants, screening for eligibility, and following up with eligible participants. Person-hours were estimated retrospectively at the conclusion of the study based on study records of contact with potential participants, conservatively assuming an average of 5 minutes per email contact. The hourly staff wage used to calculate personnel costs was US $23.90 per hour, based on the median wage for social science research assistants in 2021 [ 33 ]. Overhead costs were estimated based on our institutional indirect rate in 2021 (56%).

Ethical Considerations

Study procedures were reviewed by the Advarra IRB (protocol #00000971) and determined exempt from IRB oversight due to minimal risk. The Advarra IRB also provided a waiver of informed consent for this study (protocol #00000971) due to minimal risk. All data were deidentified and participants received a US $10 gift card upon survey completion.

Between August 2020 and January 2021, we received 1566 unique responses to the eligibility screener ( Table 1 ). The most commonly reported recruitment methods were Facebook advertisements (724/1566, 46%) and emails from ResearchMatch (646/1566, 41%). Recruitment via COE events (17/1566, 1%) and paper flyers (14/1566, 1%) was least commonly reported. Notably, 36 participants reported hearing about the study via “other” methods. “Other” recruitment methods reported included “email” (without any indication of the email’s source), “social media” (without any indication of the specific social media platform), and “private Facebook group.” Interestingly, the “private Facebook group” referred to in open-ended responses was a group for parents of children with ataxia telangiectasia (AT), a rare genetic condition. Parents of children with AT are carriers of a mutation in the ATM gene, which is associated with increased risk for breast cancer [ 34 , 35 ]. A member of this group saw our targeted Facebook advertisement and shared it with other group members. This “snowball” recruitment [ 36 ] via social media was unplanned and unexpected. In interpreting the results, it is important to note that the “other” category includes this unique source of participants.

While Facebook advertisements yielded the greatest number of eligible respondents (n=258), this represented only 36% (258/724) of respondents recruited via Facebook ( Table 1 ). Although they were associated with fewer eligibility screener responses, the recruitment methods with the greatest proportion of eligible responses were “other” (19/36, 53% eligible), community partners (24/46, 52% eligible), and “prefer not to answer” (7/18, 39% eligible). ResearchMatch had the lowest proportion of eligible respondents, with only 11% (73/646) of respondents being eligible for the study.

Overall, participants were most commonly ineligible because they were not at high risk for breast cancer (702/1162, 60% of ineligible respondents). However, this did vary by recruitment strategy ( Table 2 ). For example, individuals who were recruited via Facebook were most frequently ineligible due to a personal history of breast cancer. In addition, 23% (5/22) of ineligible respondents recruited via community partners and 18% (3/17) of ineligible respondents recruited via “other” methods were ineligible due to a prior bilateral mastectomy. This was much higher than respondents recruited via other methods (0%-5% of ineligible respondents; 0/30 for Twitter, 0/11 for “prefer not to answer,” 0/11 for COE events, 0/11 for paper flyers, 2/573 for ResearchMatch, 7/466 for Facebook, and 1/21 for “word of mouth”). As noted in the section titled “Procedures and Participants,” we excluded individuals who made multiple attempts at completing the web-based eligibility screener, as this is an indicator of fraudulent survey responses [ 26 ]. Participants who were recruited via Facebook and ResearchMatch had the highest rates of ineligibility due to multiple attempts (49/466, 11% and 25/573, 4%, respectively).

The eligibility rate for participants identified via ResearchMatch (73/646, 11%) was significantly lower than for participants identified via Facebook (258/724, 36%; z =10.50; P <.001), community partners (24/46, 52%; z =–7.72; P <.001), “other” recruitment strategies (19/36, 53%; z =–7.09; P <.001), and word of mouth (10/31, 32%; z =–3.48; P <.001) ( Table 3 ). No other recruitment strategies significantly differed in the proportion of respondents who were eligible for the study.

The average age for eligible respondents was 43 years, and the majority were non-Hispanic White (337/404, 83%). However, the demographic characteristics of eligible respondents varied by recruitment strategy ( Table 4 ). For example, participants recruited via ResearchMatch tended to be older than the sample average (mean 45, SD 12.7), while those recruited via Twitter, COE events, and paper flyers tended to be younger than the sample average (mean 36, SD 7.1; mean 34, SD 10.8; and mean 39, SD 7.6, respectively). Although few eligible respondents were identified via Twitter and COE events, these strategies did identify a higher proportion of Hispanic or Latina women than other recruitment strategies (1/4, 25% and 2/6, 33% of eligible respondents were Hispanic or Latina, respectively). The strategy that identified the greatest proportion of non-Hispanic Black respondents was recruiting via community partners (4/24, 17% of eligible respondents were non-Hispanic Black).

Once identified as eligible, participants had the option of continuing on to complete the study survey. The recruitment strategies with the greatest survey completion rates were ResearchMatch (61/73, 84% of eligible respondents completed the survey), “other” (16/19, 84% of eligible respondents completed the survey), and word of mouth (8/10, 80% of eligible respondents completed the survey; Table 1 ). In contrast, COE events had the lowest rate of survey completion; none of the 6 eligible participants completed the survey.

Three of the recruitment strategies had direct costs: Facebook advertisements, community partners, and paper flyers ( Table 5 ). The other recruitment strategies (ResearchMatch, Twitter, word of mouth, and COE events) incurred personnel costs only. The cost per eligible participant averaged US $105.80 (range: US $3.73 to US $482.71), and the cost per completed survey response averaged US $302.54 (range: US $4.66 to US $1448.13). Word of mouth was the most cost-effective recruitment strategy and paper flyers were the least cost-effective recruitment strategy.

a COE: community outreach and engagement.

a Percentages indicate proportion of the column total.

b COE: community outreach and engagement.

c MRI: magnetic resonance imaging.

a Not applicable.

a NHW: non-Hispanic White.

b NHB: non-Hispanic Black.

c AI/AN: American Indian/Alaska Native.

d NH/PI: Native Hawaiian/Pacific Islander.

e COE: community outreach and engagement.

b Unable to be calculated, denominator is 0.

Principal Findings

This paper outlines steps taken in recruitment for a web-based, survey-based observational study of women at high risk for breast cancer. We present data on a variety of different recruitment strategies, including cost-effectiveness. Although recruitment strategies varied in their yield of study participants, our study results support the feasibility of identifying and recruiting high-risk populations outside of clinical settings.

In this study, the overall rate of survey completion among eligible volunteers was 57% (232/404). Although this is comparable with other observational studies in cancer prevention and early detection that have used broad advertising strategies (eg, 191/282, 68% completion among individuals eligible for lung cancer screening recruited via targeted Facebook advertisements [ 37 ]), it is significantly higher than previously reported recruitment rates for women at high risk for breast cancer. Padamsee et al [ 38 ] described the creation of a community-based cohort of diverse women at high risk for breast cancer. Several different recruitment strategies (including ResearchMatch and targeted Facebook advertising) yielded 3275 eligibility screener responses; of those, 22% (717/3275) were deemed to be eligible, valid, and at high risk for breast cancer. McGuinness et al [ 39 ] described strategies for recruiting women at high risk for breast cancer for a randomized controlled trial of a web-based tool to support informed decision-making about chemoprevention. They used a combination of in-clinic and web-based recruitment and reported that only 9% (300/3459) of contacted individuals consented to study participation. The participant yield was much higher (18/54, 33%) among participants recruited online and via posted study flyers but still lower than the yield in our study. One potential explanation for the higher recruitment rate observed in this study is our differing inclusion criteria. Padamsee et al [ 38 ] enrolled women with ≥20% lifetime risk according to 1 of 3 risk prediction models (ie, Gail, Claus, and Tyrer-Cuzick). Given their focus on chemoprevention, McGuinness et al [ 39 ] sought to recruit women with a history of LCIS or elevated 5-year breast cancer risk (ie, ≥1.67%). Our inclusion of women with pathogenic genetic mutations associated with increased breast cancer risk, who are often highly motivated to participate in research [ 40 ], may have bolstered our recruitment rate.

In our study, targeted Facebook advertisements resulted in the most completed survey responses. However, Facebook advertisements were not the most efficient recruitment strategy. Advertising via community partners and “other” recruitment strategies resulted in the greatest proportions of eligible participants as well as high conversion rates to completed surveys. If we consider that participants reporting “other” recruitment strategies included members of Facebook groups for parents of children with AT, both of these recruitment strategies focused on audiences that were enriched with eligible individuals. Identifying forums where eligible individuals may view study advertisements may be one method that researchers can use to increase the efficiency of recruitment in future studies. However, it must be noted that recruiting via community partners was also relatively expensive per eligible participant and completed survey; Facebook advertisements were a cheaper option. Researchers should consider available resources—including financial resources, personnel resources, and time—when selecting strategies for recruiting high-risk women for future studies.

Furthermore, recruiting exclusively via community partners and dedicated support groups may result in samples that systematically differ from the larger population of interest. In order to view study advertisements posted by our community partners, individuals must subscribe to the organization’s mailing list or “follow” them on social media. It is very likely that these individuals not only identify with the organization’s mission but are also highly engaged and informed. Such individuals may also differ from the larger target population in terms of sociodemographic characteristics. Web-based recruitment for research studies can result in samples that are less racially and ethnically diverse than samples recruited using traditional methods [ 41 ]. As has been observed in prior studies, our sample was primarily non-Hispanic White. Yet web-based recruitment does not necessarily mean that resulting samples will be demographically homogenous. The subsample of high-risk women recruited on the web by McGuinness et al [ 39 ] was 29% (15/51) non-Hispanic Black and 27% (14/51) Hispanic or Latina. Padamsee et al [ 38 ] recruited high-risk women online, 35% (251/717) of whom were Black. Therefore, it is possible to identify and recruit racially and ethnically diverse high-risk women via web-based strategies. However, strategies for advertising must be carefully developed, preferably with input from members of the target group(s), and specific resources must be allocated for advertising and recruitment [ 42 , 43 ].

Unexpectedly, the recruitment strategy with the lowest rate of eligible participants was the National Institutes of Health–sponsored registry ResearchMatch. The proportion of eligible participants identified via ResearchMatch was significantly lower than those identified via Facebook advertisements, community partners, “other” methods, and word of mouth. The primary reason for ineligibility of participants identified via ResearchMatch was that they were not at high risk for breast cancer as defined by this study (474/573, 83% of ineligible respondents). Unlike other recruitment strategies (eg, targeted Facebook advertisements and community partners), ResearchMatch did not allow us to focus on users with specific interests; we were able to specify only the age range and medical conditions of the participants. Therefore, it is likely that we reached a more general audience with ResearchMatch than other recruitment strategies. However, ResearchMatch was associated with one of the highest rates of survey completion among eligible participants, perhaps reflecting the high level of motivation to participate in research among individuals who have chosen to register for a research participant database. In short, recruiting via ResearchMatch required our team to screen nearly 600 ineligible participants, incurring personnel costs of about US $53 per eligible participant and about US $63 per completed survey response. Again, this highlights how researchers must balance cost, effort, and potential yield of various recruitment strategies.

Taken together, these results suggest that respondents identified through different recruitment mechanisms effectively represent different subpopulations. For example, respondents who heard about the study via Facebook were most likely to have a personal history of breast cancer. In contrast, respondents who heard about the study via ResearchMatch and Twitter were most often at average risk for breast cancer. Regarding demographic characteristics, individuals recruited via COE events and community partners were more racially and ethnically diverse than respondents recruited via other methods. These patterns shed light on which recruitment methods would be most effective for reaching which groups, akin to audience segmentation approaches that are ubiquitous in marketing research and have been increasingly applied in health settings [ 44 , 45 ]. By identifying the unique characteristics of population segments, future research can focus recruitment resources on specific subpopulations of interest.

The results presented here must be interpreted cautiously in light of limitations. First, we did not track the number of personnel hours associated with each recruitment strategy during the recruitment period but estimated them retrospectively at the end of the study. Thus, our estimate may over- or underrepresent the number of person-hours associated with using various recruitment platforms. In future studies, personnel time should be tracked during the recruitment period in order to accurately estimate the costs associated with recruitment. Relatedly, we estimated overhead costs based on our institutional indirect rate. This is an approximate cost of conducting this study in our setting, which is fairly generalizable to other academic and nonprofit settings, but may not be generalizable to all business contexts. Second, although the study team reviewed each survey response for validity, it is possible that some of the survey responses were fraudulent [ 26 ]. This is particularly common in studies that provide compensation for survey responses, such as this one. Future studies might incorporate additional methods to ensure data integrity, such as attention checks or CAPTCHA algorithms [ 26 , 46 , 47 ]. Third, given that recruitment occurred outside of clinical settings, breast cancer risk factors were assessed via self-report. Our assessment of eligibility thus may be subject to reporting biases. Relatedly, lifetime risk—a key eligibility criterion—was estimated using the relatively short NCI BCRAT due to concerns about participant burden [ 22 ]. Other, more in-depth risk assessment models have better predictive ability [ 13 , 23 , 24 ] and might be used in future research. Fourth, results cannot be generalized to breast cancer survivors, who may be at high risk for breast cancer, but were excluded from this study. Fifth, data were collected during the COVID-19 pandemic, which significantly affected recruitment of participants for research studies. For example, our community partners adjusted their activities and priorities in response to the emergent pandemic-related needs. Similarly, our institution was restricted in the types and frequency of community outreach events that could be hosted. We also attempted to recruit participants via paper flyers in mammography clinic settings, but receipt of cancer screening significantly declined during the early months of the COVID-19 pandemic [ 48 , 49 ]. While rates of screening mammography rebounded by mid-2021 [ 50 ], it is still unclear whether the results presented here would generalize outside of the acute pandemic timeframe, and replication of this study may be needed. Finally, conclusions about the effectiveness of recruitment strategies were drawn based on proportion of eligible respondents and the number of participants who ultimately completed the study survey; we did not capture individuals’ perspectives on advertising materials or strategies, nor the proportion of responders versus nonresponders among individuals who viewed the advertisements. Future studies are needed to more thoroughly evaluate barriers and facilitators to recruitment of high-risk women for research studies.

Conclusions

Using a variety of web-based and in-person methods, we successfully identified and recruited women at high risk for breast cancer outside of clinical settings, supporting the feasibility of recruiting and retaining this unique population for participation in behavioral research. However, additional research is needed to identify best practices for recruiting a more demographically diverse group of high-risk women. Although our study focused on women at high risk for breast cancer, results may also provide insight into identification and recruitment of other high-risk populations eligible for risk-based cancer screening (eg, lung cancer screening). Researchers seeking to recruit individuals at high risk for cancer may choose from a variety of recruitment strategies but must balance the associated costs and participant yield.

Acknowledgments

This work was supported by grants from the Breast Cancer Research Foundation (ASPO-19-002, principal investigator [PI]: CCC) and the National Cancer Institute (K08CA270402, PI: CCC). This work was also supported by the Participant Research, Interventions, and Measurement (PRISM) Core at the H. Lee Moffitt Cancer Center & Research Institute, a comprehensive cancer center designated by the National Cancer Institute and funded in part by Moffitt’s Cancer Center Support grant (P30CA076292, PI: Cleveland).

Data Availability

Data are publicly available in the Open Science Framework [ 51 ].

Authors' Contributions

CCC participated in the conceptualization, funding acquisition, formal analysis, visualization, interpretation, and writing—original draft. JDR and MM participated in the investigation, data curation, project administration, and writing—review and editing. BLN participated in the conceptualization, resources, supervision, and writing—review and editing. SCO participated in the conceptualization, supervision, and writing—review and editing. STV participated in the conceptualization, funding acquisition, resources, supervision, and writing—review and editing.

Conflicts of Interest

CCC has received research funding from Pfizer. BLN has a research equipment loan agreement with Hologic Inc. and has received reimbursement for business-related travel from the National Comprehensive Cancer Network. SCO has received research funding from Pfizer and Gilead Sciences, Inc. No other authors have conflicts of interest to disclose.

ResearchMatch recruitment email.

Example study recruitment flyer.

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Abbreviations

Edited by T de Azevedo Cardoso; submitted 09.11.23; peer-reviewed by J McGuinness, T Padamsee; comments to author 28.02.24; revised version received 22.04.24; accepted 17.07.24; published 02.09.24.

©Claire C Conley, Jennifer D Rodriguez, McKenzie McIntyre, Bethany L Niell, Suzanne C O'Neill, Susan T Vadaparampil. Originally published in the Journal of Medical Internet Research (https://www.jmir.org), 02.09.2024.

This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work, first published in the Journal of Medical Internet Research (ISSN 1438-8871), is properly cited. The complete bibliographic information, a link to the original publication on https://www.jmir.org/, as well as this copyright and license information must be included.

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The physics behind the most annoying thing that could ever happen to you: a paper cut, the physics behind a very annoying thing that could ever happen to you: a paper cut.

Scientists have figured out what type of paper is the most prone to cut skin. Kaare Jensen, associate professor of physics at the Technical University of Denmark, explains.

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Study combines data, molecular simulations to accelerate drug discovery

New research involving the uc college of medicine may lead to finding effective therapies faster.

Researchers from the University of Cincinnati College of Medicine and Cincinnati Children’s Hospital have found a new method to increase both speed and success rates in drug discovery.

The study, published Aug. 30 in the journal Science Advances, offers renewed promise when it comes to discovering new drugs.

“The hope is we can speed up the timeline of drug discovery from years to months,” said Alex Thorman, PhD, co-first author and a postdoctoral fellow in the Department of Environmental and Public Health Sciences in the College of Medicine. 

Researchers combined two approaches for screening potential new drugs. First, they used a database from the Library of Integrated Network-based Cellular Signatures (LINCS) to screen tens of thousands of small molecules with potential therapeutic effects simultaneously. Then they combined the search with targeted docking simulations used to model the interaction between small molecules and their protein targets to find compounds of interest. That sped up the timing of the work from months to minutes — taking weeks of work required for initial screening down to an afternoon.

“Accuracy will only improve, hopefully offering new hope to many people who have diseases with no known cure, including those with cancer."

Alex Thorman, PhD Co-first author and postdoctoral fellow

Thorman said this faster screening method for compounds that could become drugs accelerates the drug research process. But it’s not only speed that is crucial. 

He added that this newer approach is more efficient at identifying potentially effective compounds.

“And the accuracy will only improve, hopefully offering new hope to many people who have diseases with no known cure, including those with cancer,” Thorman said.

It can also create more targeted treatment options in precision medicine, an innovative approach to tailoring disease prevention and treatment that takes into account differences in people's genes, environments and lifestyles. 

“An accelerated drug discovery process also could be a game changer in the ability to respond to public health crises, such as the COVID-19 pandemic,” said Thorman. “The timeline for developing effective drugs could be expedited.” 

Feature image at top: Collection of prescription drug bottles and pills. Photo/Provided.

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Other co-first authors included Jim Reigle, PhD, a postdoctoral fellow at Cincinnati Children’s Hospital, and Somchai Chutipongtanate, PhD, an associate professor in the Department of Environmental and Public Health Sciences in the College of Medicine.

The corresponding authors of the study were Jarek Meller, PhD, a professor of biostatistics, health informatics and data sciences in the College of Medicine, and Andrew Herr, PhD, a professor of immunobiology in the Department of Pediatrics in the College of Medicine. 

Other co-investigators included Mario Medvedovic, PhD, professor and director of the Center for Biostatistics and Bioinformatics Services in the College of Medicine, and David Hildeman, PhD, professor of immunobiology in the College of Medicine. Both Herr and Hildeman have faculty research labs at Cincinnati Children’s Hospital. 

This research was funded in part by grants from the National Institutes of Health, a Department of Veterans Affairs merit award, a UC Cancer Center Pilot Project Award and a Cincinnati Children’s Hospital Innovation Fund award.

Those involved in the research are also co-inventors on three U.S. patents that are related to their work and have been filed by Cincinnati Children’s Hospital. 

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August 30, 2024

Researchers from the University of Cincinnati College of Medicine and Cincinnati Children’s Hospital have found a new method to increase both speed and success rates in drug discovery. The study, published Aug. 30 in the journal Science Advances, offers renewed promise when it comes to discovering new drugs.

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Research on stability control system of two-wheel heavy-load self-balancing vehicles in complex terrain.

1. Introduction

• Design a heavy-duty two-wheeled self-balancing vehicle modeling method to make the center of mass calibration more accurate.
• Determine the friction coefficient through terrain recognition results to ensure the stability of the self-balancing vehicle and achieve precise control.
• Propose a lightweight terrain recognition method based on deep learning, introduce a coordinate attention mechanism to improve the network’s feature extraction capabilities for different types of terrain, and construct an auxiliary loss function to optimize the network.

2. Related Work

2.1. wheel-legged balancing robot, 2.2. terrain recognition, 2.3. self-balancing control strategy, 3.1. establishment and analysis of kinematic models, 3.2. research on control strategy of self-balancing two-wheeled vehicle, 3.3. terrain recognition and stability analysis, 3.3.1. la-mobilenet network, 3.3.2. stability analysis, 4. experiments and results, 4.1. terrain recognition results, 4.2. two-wheeled self-balancing vehicle experimental results, 5. conclusions, author contributions, institutional review board statement, informed consent statement, data availability statement, conflicts of interest.

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Share and Cite

Yan, C.; Li, X. Research on Stability Control System of Two-Wheel Heavy-Load Self-Balancing Vehicles in Complex Terrain. Appl. Sci. 2024 , 14 , 7682. https://doi.org/10.3390/app14177682

Yan C, Li X. Research on Stability Control System of Two-Wheel Heavy-Load Self-Balancing Vehicles in Complex Terrain. Applied Sciences . 2024; 14(17):7682. https://doi.org/10.3390/app14177682

Yan, Chunxiang, and Xiying Li. 2024. "Research on Stability Control System of Two-Wheel Heavy-Load Self-Balancing Vehicles in Complex Terrain" Applied Sciences 14, no. 17: 7682. https://doi.org/10.3390/app14177682

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Study: Transparency is often lacking in datasets used to train large language models

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In order to train more powerful large language models, researchers use vast dataset collections that blend diverse data from thousands of web sources.

But as these datasets are combined and recombined into multiple collections, important information about their origins and restrictions on how they can be used are often lost or confounded in the shuffle.

Not only does this raise legal and ethical concerns, it can also damage a model’s performance. For instance, if a dataset is miscategorized, someone training a machine-learning model for a certain task may end up unwittingly using data that are not designed for that task.

In addition, data from unknown sources could contain biases that cause a model to make unfair predictions when deployed.

To improve data transparency, a team of multidisciplinary researchers from MIT and elsewhere launched a systematic audit of more than 1,800 text datasets on popular hosting sites. They found that more than 70 percent of these datasets omitted some licensing information, while about 50 percent had information that contained errors.

Building off these insights, they developed a user-friendly tool called the  Data Provenance Explorer that automatically generates easy-to-read summaries of a dataset’s creators, sources, licenses, and allowable uses.

“These types of tools can help regulators and practitioners make informed decisions about AI deployment, and further the responsible development of AI,” says Alex “Sandy” Pentland, an MIT professor, leader of the Human Dynamics Group in the MIT Media Lab, and co-author of a new open-access paper about the project .

The Data Provenance Explorer could help AI practitioners build more effective models by enabling them to select training datasets that fit their model’s intended purpose. In the long run, this could improve the accuracy of AI models in real-world situations, such as those used to evaluate loan applications or respond to customer queries.

“One of the best ways to understand the capabilities and limitations of an AI model is understanding what data it was trained on. When you have misattribution and confusion about where data came from, you have a serious transparency issue,” says Robert Mahari, a graduate student in the MIT Human Dynamics Group, a JD candidate at Harvard Law School, and co-lead author on the paper.

Mahari and Pentland are joined on the paper by co-lead author Shayne Longpre, a graduate student in the Media Lab; Sara Hooker, who leads the research lab Cohere for AI; as well as others at MIT, the University of California at Irvine, the University of Lille in France, the University of Colorado at Boulder, Olin College, Carnegie Mellon University, Contextual AI, ML Commons, and Tidelift. The research is published today in Nature Machine Intelligence .

Focus on finetuning

Researchers often use a technique called fine-tuning to improve the capabilities of a large language model that will be deployed for a specific task, like question-answering. For finetuning, they carefully build curated datasets designed to boost a model’s performance for this one task.

The MIT researchers focused on these fine-tuning datasets, which are often developed by researchers, academic organizations, or companies and licensed for specific uses.

When crowdsourced platforms aggregate such datasets into larger collections for practitioners to use for fine-tuning, some of that original license information is often left behind.

“These licenses ought to matter, and they should be enforceable,” Mahari says.

For instance, if the licensing terms of a dataset are wrong or missing, someone could spend a great deal of money and time developing a model they might be forced to take down later because some training data contained private information.

“People can end up training models where they don’t even understand the capabilities, concerns, or risk of those models, which ultimately stem from the data,” Longpre adds.

To begin this study, the researchers formally defined data provenance as the combination of a dataset’s sourcing, creating, and licensing heritage, as well as its characteristics. From there, they developed a structured auditing procedure to trace the data provenance of more than 1,800 text dataset collections from popular online repositories.

After finding that more than 70 percent of these datasets contained “unspecified” licenses that omitted much information, the researchers worked backward to fill in the blanks. Through their efforts, they reduced the number of datasets with “unspecified” licenses to around 30 percent.

Their work also revealed that the correct licenses were often more restrictive than those assigned by the repositories.   

In addition, they found that nearly all dataset creators were concentrated in the global north, which could limit a model’s capabilities if it is trained for deployment in a different region. For instance, a Turkish language dataset created predominantly by people in the U.S. and China might not contain any culturally significant aspects, Mahari explains.

“We almost delude ourselves into thinking the datasets are more diverse than they actually are,” he says.

Interestingly, the researchers also saw a dramatic spike in restrictions placed on datasets created in 2023 and 2024, which might be driven by concerns from academics that their datasets could be used for unintended commercial purposes.

A user-friendly tool

To help others obtain this information without the need for a manual audit, the researchers built the Data Provenance Explorer. In addition to sorting and filtering datasets based on certain criteria, the tool allows users to download a data provenance card that provides a succinct, structured overview of dataset characteristics.

“We are hoping this is a step, not just to understand the landscape, but also help people going forward to make more informed choices about what data they are training on,” Mahari says.

In the future, the researchers want to expand their analysis to investigate data provenance for multimodal data, including video and speech. They also want to study how terms of service on websites that serve as data sources are echoed in datasets.

As they expand their research, they are also reaching out to regulators to discuss their findings and the unique copyright implications of fine-tuning data.

“We need data provenance and transparency from the outset, when people are creating and releasing these datasets, to make it easier for others to derive these insights,” Longpre says.

“Many proposed policy interventions assume that we can correctly assign and identify licenses associated with data, and this work first shows that this is not the case, and then significantly improves the provenance information available,” says Stella Biderman, executive director of EleutherAI, who was not involved with this work. “In addition, section 3 contains relevant legal discussion. This is very valuable to machine learning practitioners outside companies large enough to have dedicated legal teams. Many people who want to build AI systems for public good are currently quietly struggling to figure out how to handle data licensing, because the internet is not designed in a way that makes data provenance easy to figure out.”

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• Published: 28 August 2024

Earth’s ambipolar electrostatic field and its role in ion escape to space

• Glyn A. Collinson   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0003-4883-9027 1 , 2 , 3 ,
• Alex Glocer 1 ,
• Robert Pfaff 1 ,
• Aroh Barjatya 4 ,
• Rachel Conway 4 ,
• Aaron Breneman 1 ,
• James Clemmons 5 ,
• Francis Eparvier   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0001-7143-2730 6 ,
• Robert Michell   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0001-9342-8564 1 ,
• David Mitchell 7 ,
• Suzie Imber 8 ,
• Hassanali Akbari 1 , 2 ,
• Lance Davis 4 ,
• Andrew Kavanagh 9 ,
• Ellen Robertson 1 ,
• Diana Swanson 5 ,
• Shaosui Xu   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0002-5121-600X 7 ,
• Jacob Miller 1 , 10 ,
• Timothy Cameron 1 ,
• Dennis Chornay 1 ,
• Paulo Uribe 1 ,
• Long Nguyen 1 ,
• Robert Clayton 4 ,
• Nathan Graves   ORCID: orcid.org/0009-0004-1397-5779 4 ,
• Shantanab Debchoudhury 4 ,
• Henry Valentine 4 ,
• Ahmed Ghalib 11 &

The Endurance Mission Team

Nature volume  632 ,  pages 1021–1025 ( 2024 ) Cite this article

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• Magnetospheric physics
• Space physics

Cold plasma of ionospheric origin has recently been found to be a much larger contributor to the magnetosphere of Earth than expected 1 , 2 , 3 . Numerous competing mechanisms have been postulated to drive ion escape to space, including heating and acceleration by wave–particle interactions 4 and a global electrostatic field between the ionosphere and space (called the ambipolar or polarization field) 5 , 6 . Observations of heated O + ions in the magnetosphere are consistent with resonant wave–particle interactions 7 . By contrast, observations of cold supersonic H + flowing out of the polar ionosphere 8 , 9 (called the polar wind) suggest the presence of an electrostatic field. Here we report the existence of a +0.55 ± 0.09 V electric potential drop between 250 km and 768 km from a planetary electrostatic field ( E ∥ ⊕  = 1.09 ± 0.17 μV m −1 ) generated exclusively by the outward pressure of ionospheric electrons. We experimentally demonstrate that the ambipolar field of Earth controls the structure of the polar ionosphere, boosting the scale height by 271%. We infer that this increases the supply of cold O + ions to the magnetosphere by more than 3,800%, in which other mechanisms such as wave–particle interactions can heat and further accelerate them to escape velocity. The electrostatic field of Earth is strong enough by itself to drive the polar wind 9 , 10 and is probably the origin of the cold H + ion population 1 that dominates much of the magnetosphere 2 , 3 .

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Acknowledgements

We thank the 100+ strong team of engineers, scientists and technicians who made the Endurance rocketship mission a success. We thank A. P. Collinson for the useful discussions in preparing and editing the paper. Endurance was funded through the NASA grant 80NSSC19K1206. EISCAT support was supported through the National Environment Research Council grant NE/R017000X/1. EISCAT is an international association supported by research organizations in China (CRIRP), Finland (SA), Japan (NIPR and ISEE), Norway (NFR), Sweden (VR) and the UK (UKRI).

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Heliophysics Science Division, NASA Goddard Space Flight Center, Greenbelt, MD, USA

Glyn A. Collinson, Alex Glocer, Robert Pfaff, Aaron Breneman, Robert Michell, Hassanali Akbari, Ellen Robertson, Jacob Miller, Timothy Cameron, Dennis Chornay, Paulo Uribe, Long Nguyen, S. Adkins, H. Akbari, A. Barrie, A. Breneman, T. Cameron, D. Chornay, G. Collinson, A. Glocer, S. Martin, R. Michell, L. Nguyen, N. Paschalidis, R. Pfaff, C. Pirner, Z. Rawlings, E. Robertson, T. Rosnack, M. Samara, C. Tucker, P. Uribe, M. Wallace, D. Zarro & E. Zesta

Institute for Astrophysics and Computational Sciences, The Catholic University of America, Washington, DC, USA

Glyn A. Collinson, Hassanali Akbari, H. Akbari, R. Albano, E. Bowlen & G. Collinson

G & K Rocket Yards, Interplanetary Expeditions, Criccieth, UK

Glyn A. Collinson & G. Collinson

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Aroh Barjatya, Rachel Conway, Lance Davis, Robert Clayton, Nathan Graves, Shantanab Debchoudhury, Henry Valentine, A. Barjatya, R. Clayton, R. Conway, L. Davis, S. Debchoudhury, N. Graves, P. Ribbens & H. Valentine

College of Engineering and Physical Sciences, University of New Hampshire, Durham, NC, USA

James Clemmons, Diana Swanson, C. Bancroft, A. Bolton, J. Clemmons, P. Demaine, S. Ellis, M. Francheshini, C. Frost, T. Jones, M. Maimone, D. Puopolo & D. Swanson

Laboratory for Atmospheric and Space Physics, University of Colorado at Boulder, Boulder, CO, USA

Francis Eparvier & F. Eparvier

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David Mitchell, Shaosui Xu, D. Mitchell & S. Xu

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Suzie Imber & S. Imber

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Andrew Kavanagh & A. Kavanagh

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Ahmed Ghalib, G. Bain, M. Binder, S. Bissett, B. Bonsteel, D. Bowden, D. Bowker, M. Bradshaw, G. Bridges, M. Campbell, P. Cathell, L. Conser, D. Detwiler, M. Disbrow, J. Doughty, R. Ethridge, R. Fahringer, J. Farrell, T. Gass, A. Ghalib, C. Grabusky, G. Harlan, T. Harper, H. Haugh, J. Henderson, D. Henderson, T. Jester, R. Jillard, E. Johnson, H. Johnson, G. Jones, M. King, D. Knight, R. Laman, T. Lankford, P. Lotz, G. Marsh, R. Marshall, T. McFaden, M. Moffett, N. Morris, A. Mueseler, C. Nelson, W. Ogundere, D. Page, E. Pittman, J. Polidan, D. Raley, S. Rodriguez, G. Rosanova, B. Rose, T. Russell, B. Serabian, T. Sherman, T. Snyder, V. Sutton, R. Swift, W. Taylor, R. Terwiliger, S. Tiede, F. Waters, L. West, B. West, T. Wilson & N. Wroblewski

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L. Baddeley

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Contributions

The Endurance mission and its overall methodology were conceived by G.A.C. and A. Glocer, who acquired the funding, administered the science team and drafted this paper. The instruments were developed by G.A.C., R.P., A. Barjatya, R. Clayton, A. Breneman, J.C., R.M., L.D., E.R., D.S., L.N., P.U., T.C., A. Ghalib, H.V., N.G. and S.D. Data analysis was performed by G.A.C., A. Glocer, R.P., A. Barjatya, R. Conway, A. Breneman, J.C., F.E., D.M., S.I., H.A., L.D., A.K., D.S., S.X. and J.M.

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Correspondence to Glyn A. Collinson .

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Extended data figures and tables

Extended data fig. 1 layout of the endurance spacecraft showing scientific instruments used in this study..

View from above looking aft. Magnetic field into page on upleg and out of page on downleg.

Extended Data Fig. 2 Example spectra from the Photoelectron Spectrometer.

Data calibrated but uncorrected for spacecraft potential. a , PES Scan 72 showing standard resolution (black) and high resolution (red). b , PES Scan 72 zoomed in to the He-II photopeaks showing a gaussian fit (blue) to the primary N 2 A 2 Π u dominated photopeak. c , d , The same for PES Scan 38.

Extended Data Fig. 3 Conversion from peak energy of photopeaks to planetary potential drop below Endurance.

Upleg, top panels; downleg, bottom panels. a , d , Peak energy of N 2 A 2 Π u dominated photopeak as measured. b , e , Energy of photopeak after correction for S/C potential from SLP. c , f , Potential drop below Endurance (as Fig. 2a,b ).

Extended Data Fig. 4 Measurements by the Swept Langmuir Probe.

Area denotes ±1σ error. a , Colour-coded timeline of Endurance mission (as per Fig. 1a , Fig. 2a ). b , Altitude versus time. c , Total Electron density (cm −3 ). d , Electron temperature (K). e , Potential difference between Endurance and ambient plasma. The periodic (70 s) firing of the ACS thrusters (amber, panel a ) temporarily perturbed the plasma environment around the spacecraft. The resulting erroneous measurements by SLP have been cut from the dataset.

Extended Data Fig. 5 Supporting Measurements by the FIELDS instrument.

a , Colour-coded timeline of Endurance mission (as per Fig. 1a , Fig. 2b ). b , Mean potential between the two pairs of electric field probes.

Extended Data Fig. 6 Radar measurements from the EISCAT Radar in black compared to in situ measurements by the SLP instrument in gold.

a,b , Plasma density; c,d , Electron temperature. e,f , Ion temperature; g,h , Ion velocity. These plots were made by time-averaging measurements from the upleg and downleg portion of the flight. Error bars represent the standard deviation. EISCAT data were truncated above 500 km in Fig. 3 owing to the large error bars but are shown here in full. The good agreement between independent measurements of \({n}_{e}\) and \({t}_{e}\) by EISCAT and SLP give good confidence in our SLP data analysis.

Extended Data Fig. 7 Geomagnetic activity for the two days surrounding the launch of Endurance.

a , Planetary KP index; b , planetary AP index. Both indexes show low activity (G0).

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Collinson, G.A., Glocer, A., Pfaff, R. et al. Earth’s ambipolar electrostatic field and its role in ion escape to space. Nature 632 , 1021–1025 (2024). https://doi.org/10.1038/s41586-024-07480-3

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Accepted : 25 April 2024

Published : 28 August 2024

Issue Date : 29 August 2024

DOI : https://doi.org/10.1038/s41586-024-07480-3

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Even when in the same jobs, men are much more likely to turn to the tech

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B e more productive . That is how Chat GPT , a generative-artificial-intelligence tool from Open AI , sells itself to workers . But despite industry hopes that the technology will boost productivity across the workforce, not everyone is on board. According to two recent studies, women use Chat GPT between 16 and 20 percentage points less than their male peers, even when they are employed in the same jobs or read the same subject.

The first study, published as a working paper in June, explores Chat GPT at work. Anders Humlum of the University of Chicago and Emilie Vestergaard of the University of Copenhagen surveyed 100,000 Danes across 11 professions in which the technology could save workers time, including journalism, software-developing and teaching. The researchers asked respondents how often they turned to Chat GPT and what might keep them from adopting it. By exploiting Denmark’s extensive, hooked-up record-keeping, they were able to connect the answers with personal information, including income, wealth and education level.

Across all professions, women were less likely to use Chat GPT than men who worked in the same industry (see chart 1). For example, only a third of female teachers used it for work, compared with half of male teachers. Among software developers, almost two-thirds of men used it while less than half of women did. The gap shrank only slightly, to 16 percentage points, when directly comparing people in the same firms working on similar tasks. As such, the study concludes that a lack of female confidence may be in part to blame: women who did not use AI were more likely than men to highlight that they needed training   to use the technology.

Another potential explanation for the gender imbalance comes from a survey of 486 students by Daniel Carvajal at Aalto University and Catalina Franco and Siri Isaksson at the Norwegian School of Economics ( NHH ). It also found a gender gap: female students enrolled in the NHH ’s only undergraduate programme were 18 percentage points less likely to use Chat GPT often. When the researchers separated students by admission grades, it became clear that the gap reflected the behaviour of mid- and high-performing women (see chart 2). Low performers were almost as likely as men to use the technology.

Why might this be? The researchers probed what was going on with some clever follow-up questions. They asked students whether they would use Chat GPT if their professor forbade it, and received a similar distribution of answers. However, in the context of explicit approval, everyone, including the better-performing women, reported that they would make use of the technology. In other words, the high-achieving women appeared to impose a ban on themselves. “It’s the ‘good girl’ thing,” reckons Ms Isaksson. “It’s this idea that ‘I have to go through this pain, I have to do it on my own and I shouldn’t cheat and take short-cuts’.”

A lack of experience with AI could carry a cost when students enter the labour market. In August the researchers added a survey of 1,143 hiring managers to their study, revealing that managers value high-performing women with AI expertise 8% more than those without. This sort of premium does not exist for men, suggesting that there are rewards for women who are willing to relax their self-imposed ban.

Tera Allas of McKinsey, a consultancy, worries that by the time AI is firmly embedded into modern working life, it might be designed to appeal more to men, who are its main users—potentially shutting women out in the long term. But not everyone is as concerned. Despite the fact that the early internet was dominated by men, for example, young American women were more online than their male counterparts by 2005. On top of this, Danielle Li of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology notes that the studies do not actually show whether men’s current Chat GPT use translates into better or more productive work. At the moment, the technology may be more of a digital toy, she says. Perhaps, then, high-achieving women are simply better at avoiding distraction. ■

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This article appeared in the Finance & economics section of the print edition under the headline “A new gender gap”

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• A-Z Publications

Annual Review of Psychology

Volume 69, 2018, review article, attitudes and attitude change.

• Dolores Albarracin 1 , and Sharon Shavitt 1
• View Affiliations Hide Affiliations Affiliations: Department of Psychology and Department of Business Administration, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, Champaign, Illinois 61822; email: [email protected] , [email protected]
• Vol. 69:299-327 (Volume publication date January 2018) https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev-psych-122216-011911
• First published as a Review in Advance on August 25, 2017
• © Annual Reviews

This review covers research on attitudes and attitude change published between 2010 and 2017. We characterize this period as one of significant progress toward an understanding of how attitudes form and change in three critical contexts. The first context is the person, as attitudes change in connection to values, general goals, language, emotions, and human development. The second context is social relationships, which link attitude change to the communicator of persuasive messages, social media, and culture. The third context is sociohistorical and highlights the influence of unique events, including sociopolitical, economic, and climatic occurrences. In conclusion, many important recent findings reflect the fact that holism, with a focus on situating attitudes within their personal, social, and historical contexts, has become the zeitgeist of attitude research during this period.

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The Attitude-Behavior Relationship Revisited

The attitude-behavior relationship is of great import to many areas of psychology. Indeed, psychologists across disciplines have published thousands of articles on the topic. The majority of this research implies the attitude-behavior relationship is linear. However, observations from 4,101 Mechanical Turks and 321,876 online reviews demonstrate that this relationship is systematically nonlinear . Across diverse topics, measures, and contexts, as attitudes move from extremely negative to extremely positive, the corresponding shift in behavior tends to be relatively flat at first (as attitude move from extremely to moderately negative), to steepen when attitudes cross neutral and shift from negative to positive, and to taper off again as attitudes move from moderately to extremely positive. This result can be explained based on research on categorical perception. The present research suggests a fundamental pivot in how researchers construe, study, and assess the attitude-behavior relationship.

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Article contents

Attitudes and behavior.

• Geoffrey Haddock , Geoffrey Haddock Department of Psychology, Cardiff University
• Sapphira Thorne Sapphira Thorne Postdoctoral Research Associate, Cardiff University
•  and  Lukas J. Wolf Lukas J. Wolf Department of Psychology, Cardiff University
• https://doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190236557.013.449
• Published online: 27 August 2020

Attitudes refer to overall evaluations of people, groups, ideas, and other objects, reflecting whether individuals like or dislike them. Attitudes have been found to be good predictors of behavior, with generally medium-sized effects. The role of attitudes in guiding behavior may be the primary reason why people’s social lives often revolve around expressing and discussing their attitudes, and why social psychology researchers have spent decades examining attitudes.

Two central questions in the study of attitudes concern when and how attitudes predict behavior. The “when” question has been addressed over decades of research that has identified circumstances under which attitudes are more or less likely to predict behavior. That is, attitudes are stronger predictors of behaviors when both constructs are assessed in a corresponding or matching way, when attitudes are stronger, and among certain individuals and in certain situations and domains.

The “how” question concerns influential models in the attitudes literature that provide a better understanding of the processes through which attitudes are linked with behaviors. For instance, these models indicate that other constructs need to be taken into account in understanding the attitude-behavior link, including intentions to perform a behavior, whether individuals perceive themselves to be in control of their behavior, and what they believe others around them think the individual should do (i.e., norms). The models also describe whether attitudes relate to behavior through relatively deliberative and controlled processes or relatively automatic and spontaneous processes. Overall, the long history of research on attitude-behavior links has provided a clearer prediction of when attitudes are linked with behaviors and a better understanding of the processes underlying this link.

• attitude strength
• behavioral intentions
• deliberative and spontaneous behavior

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Knowledge, attitudes, and barriers toward research: The perspectives of undergraduate medical and dental students

Htoo htoo kyaw soe.

Department of Community Medicine, Melaka-Manipal Medical College, Melaka, Malaysia

Nan Nitra Than

Mila nu nu nu htay, khine lynn phyu.

1 Department of Pediatrics, Melaka-Manipal Medical College, Melaka, Malaysia

Adinegara Lutfi Abas

Scientific research not only promotes health and combats diseases of an individual, but also it can strengthen the effectiveness of health systems. Hence, understanding of scientific methods becomes a crucial component in the medical profession.

This study was conducted to assess the knowledge, attitudes, and barriers toward research among undergraduate medical and dental students.

SETTINGS AND DESIGN:

This cross-sectional study was conducted among 295 undergraduate Bachelor of Medicine and Bachelor of Surgery (MBBS) and Bachelor of Dental Surgery (BDS) students from a private medical college in Malaysia.

MATERIALS AND METHODS:

We purposively selected 360 students attending the 3 rd , 4 th , and 5 th year in MBBS course and BDS course in September 2015. A total of 295 students who were willing to provide written informed consent were included in this study. We collected data using a validated, self-administered, structured questionnaire which included 20 questions about knowledge toward scientific research, 21 attitude items in regard to scientific research, a list of 10 barriers toward conducting medical research, and 5 questions of confidence to conduct the medical research.

STATISTICAL ANALYSIS USED:

Data were analyzed using descriptive statistics, independent t-test, ANOVA, and multiple linear regression.

Among the students, 56.9% had moderate knowledge while the majority (83.3%) had moderate attitude toward scientific research. The majorly cited barriers were the lack of time (79.9%), lack of knowledge and skills (72.1%), lack of funding (72.0%) and facilities (63.6%), and lack of rewards (55.8%). There was a significant association between age, academic year, and knowledge of research as the older age group, and 4 th - and 5 th -year students had higher knowledge score. The students of higher attitude score had better-perceived barriers score toward research with regression coefficient 0.095 (95% confidence interval 0.032–0.159).

CONCLUSIONS:

Even though the students had the positive attitudes toward scientific research, a supportive and positive environment is needed to improve skills and knowledge of research and to overcome the barriers toward the conduct of scientific research.

Introduction

Research is important to the scientific progress,[ 1 ] and it is also crucial to the understanding of problems which affects the health of individuals, communities, and health systems.[ 2 ] Research involves systematic investigation or experimentation to discover the new knowledge[ 2 ] and revision of current knowledge.[ 3 ] In 2007, developed countries had 3655.8 researchers per million inhabitants when only 580.3 researchers in the developing world.[ 4 ] A total number of scientific publications were 315,742 in the developing countries when it was doubled in developed. In Malaysia, the gross domestic expenditure on research and development per GDP ratio had increased from 0.49% in 2000 to 0.64% in 2006.[ 4 ] As a result, publications output has risen rapidly in the past decade from 805 scientific publications in the year 2000 to 2712 publications in the year 2008, in which 300 publications of medical research and 535 publications of clinical medicine.[ 4 ]

Research is vital to developmental activities and it had been carried out in all academic and developmental institutions.[ 5 ] In medical education, health research training is an essential component to help developing physician's research skills,[ 6 ] including literature search, critical appraisal, independent learning, and writing research papers.[ 7 ] Training for research skills and experience of research in an early time in the medical profession is associated with continued professional academic work and may also help resident's career decisions.[ 7 ] While many undergraduate programs include research methodology course,[ 8 ] medical training in many developing countries does not emphasize its importance in medical practice and this course is not included in the medical curriculum.[ 7 ] Compulsory research course along with a mandatory research project has a positive impact on student's knowledge and attitudes toward research.[ 9 , 10 ] Moreover, it provides necessary skills to the future research in their career[ 3 ] and strengthens lifelong learning.[ 11 ] Moreover, research by a student can significantly affect the published output of the institution, and to a further extent, also of the country.[ 7 , 12 ]

Several studies have been carried out in many countries to evaluate knowledge and attitudes toward scientific research among health professionals and medical students.[ 9 , 10 , 13 , 14 , 15 , 16 ] Evidence also showed that existence of barriers brings the gap between theory of scientific research and practice of conducting it.[ 17 ] Furthermore, lack of skills training, infrastructure and facilities, mentorship, and lack of time and motivation were cited as the major hurdles.[ 6 , 9 , 13 , 14 , 18 , 19 ] In Malaysia, knowledge, attitudes, and barriers toward conduct of medical research and evidence-based medicine were investigated among health professionals such as doctors, specialists, pharmacists, nurses, and physiotherapists;[ 20 , 21 , 22 , 23 , 24 ] however, there is limited information on this topic among undergraduate medical and dental students.

Research is mandatory and it is one part of the core curriculum in the Bachelor of Medicine and Bachelor of Surgery (MBBS) and Bachelor of Dental Surgery (BDS) course in our private medical college. The aim of the course is to introduce principles of scientific research and biostatistics using various problem-solving exercises and to provide the skills that can effectively contribute in various institutional research projects. In the final year, students require performing research projects which is mentored by the faculty members. While conducting research projects, students learn to identify the research question, generate research hypotheses, critically appraise literature, design the study, collect and analyze the data, and write a detailed project report. Although it is not compulsory, students are also encouraged to publish their researches in medical journals and do presentations in conferences. This study aims to assess the knowledge and attitudes toward scientific research and to identify the barriers to participation in scientific research among undergraduate medical and dental students, expect promoting research skills and increasing published outputs of the college.

Materials and Methods

We conducted a cross-sectional study among undergraduate medical and dental students in September 2015 in the private medical college in Malaysia. Approximately 800 students were attending in the MBBS and BDS program. The sample size was calculated using the formula for single population proportion with the margin of error 5%, the assumption of 95% confidence level,[ 25 ] and 80.2% of moderate knowledge.[ 6 ] The minimum sample size required was 245; however, we purposively selected 360 students attending the 3 rd , 4 th and 5 th year in MBBS course and BDS course. The students who were willing to provide written informed consent were included in this study.

We collected data using a self-administered, structured questionnaire within a span of 4 months. The questionnaire was adapted from the previous studies.[ 9 , 14 , 26 ] The questionnaire consisted of sociodemographic, previous experience of scientific research, knowledge and attitudes toward research, and perceived barrier conducting research. In this study, 20 questions including single best answer type of multiple-choice questions and true/false questions were used for assessing knowledge. Five-point Likert scale (strongly agree, agree, neutral, disagree, and strongly disagree) was used to assess the attitudes toward research. Attitudes part consisted of 21 items including 11 positive and 10 negative statements. Ten items of perceived barriers with three-point Likert scale (agree, disagree, and undecided) were also included. After modification of the questionnaire, we carried out a pilot study with 30 students to check for validity, reliability, clarity, and understanding of the questionnaire. Content validity was checked with experts and face validity was checked for clarity and understanding of the questionnaire. The Cronbach's alpha coefficient of knowledge questions was 0.648, of attitude questions was 0.824, and of barriers questions was 0.683.

After checking and coding the questionnaire, we used Microsoft Excel for data entry and SPSS version 12 (SPSS Inc, Chicago, IL) for data analysis. Regarding knowledge, the correct answer was scored one and wrong/not sure answer was scored zero (higher score indicates better knowledge). For attitudes, for positive items, strongly agree was scored five and strongly disagree was scored one, while for negative items, strongly agree was scored one and strongly disagree was scored five (higher score indicates better attitude). Regarding perceived barrier, disagree was scored three, score one for agree, and score two for undecided (higher score indicates lesser perceived barrier). The total score was computed by taking the sum for all of these. We categorized knowledge and attitudes into three levels such as good (>80% of the maximum possible total score), moderate (60%–80% of the maximum possible total score), and poor (<60% of the maximum possible total score).

For quantitative variables, mean and standard deviation (SD) were calculated and for qualitative variables, frequency and percentage were described. We used independent sample t -test and one-way ANOVA to determine the knowledge, attitudes, and perceived barriers toward research between different age groups, gender, ethnicity, and academic years. We also performed multiple linear regression to find the relationship between knowledge, attitudes, and perceived barriers after adjusting other covariates. All the statistical tests were two-sided and the level of significance was set at 0.05.

Before data collection, the purpose of the study was explained to the respondents. Participation was strictly voluntary and autonomy of the respondents was respected. Written informed consent was taken from each participant. Confidentiality was maintained and anonymity of respondents was ensured. In addition, data were kept secured and available only to the statistician. Approval for this study was taken from Research Committee of our college.

A total of 295 students participated in this study and response rate was 81.94%. Among them, 62.4% were from MBBS program and 37.6% were BDS students while 59.3% of the participants were from 3 rd year, 33.9% from 4 th year, and 6.8% from 5 th year. The mean age of the participants was 22.99 years (SD 1.05) and the majority (97.3%) of them was Malaysian nationality. 59.5% of them were female students [ Table 1 ].

Demographic characteristics among medical and dental students ( n =295)

In this study, only 4% of the students had good knowledge while 56.9% had moderate knowledge. The majority (83.3%) had moderate attitude and 11.3% of the students had good attitude. The mean of perceived barriers was 17.84 out of 30 (higher score indicates lesser perceived barrier). Nearly 13.4% of the students had performed presentations in conference and 5.8% published research articles [ Table 2 ]. Percentage of answers on attitude questions among undergraduates is shown in Table 3 .

Knowledge, attitudes, perceived barriers toward research and previous research experience among medical and dental students

Percentage of answers on attitude questions among medical and dental students

In regard to barriers, majority of the students had stated lack of time (79.9%), lack of knowledge/skills (72.1%), and lack of funding (72%). Other barriers revealed lack of facilities (63.6%), lack of rewards (55.8%), inaccessible to relevant medical and other electronic databases (44.0%), lack of interest (37.5%), inefficient faculty staff to deliver necessary knowledge and skills (26.6%), lack of proper mentoring (20.5%), and opportunity to conduct (20.2%) [ Table 4 ].

Perceived barriers to participation in research among medical and dental students

Most of the students had limited or somewhat confidence in creating a clinical question (37.6% limited and 47.4% somewhat), search for literature (34.8% limited and 45.5% somewhat), critical appraisal (38.1% limited and 44.3% somewhat), access clinical expertise from instructor (41% limited and 40.7% somewhat), and using evidence-based processes (38.3% limited and 40.3% somewhat) [ Table 5 ].

Confidence of doing research activities among undergraduate students

Table 6 shows that there was a significant association between age, academic year, and knowledge. Age >23 years had higher mean knowledge score than age 22–23 years and <20 years. As regards the academic year, 4 th -year and 5 th -year students had higher knowledge score than 3 rd -year students. There was also a significant relationship between ethnicity and attitudes toward research as Indian had higher attitude score than Chinese and Malay. Moreover, age was significantly associated with perceived barriers and age >23 years had the highest mean barriers score among all age groups. There were no significant relationship between gender, ethnicity, and knowledge; no significant association between age, gender, academic year, and attitudes; and no significant relationship between gender, ethnicity, academic year, and perceived barriers toward research [ Table 6 ].

The relationship between demographic characteristics and knowledge, attitudes, and perceived barriers toward research

We performed multiple linear regression to determine the relationship between knowledge, attitudes, and perceived barriers toward research after adjusting the other covariates such as age, gender, ethnicity, and the academic year. We assessed model fit and found that there were linearity, independence of residuals, homoscedasticity, and no evidence of multicollinearity, and the assumption of normality was met. The multiple linear regression model was statistically significant with F (10,240) = 3.337, P 0.001, and adjusted R 2 = 0.078. There was no significant relationship between knowledge and barriers toward research. However, there was a significant positive relationship between attitudes and barriers with regression coefficient of 0.095 (95% confidence interval 0.032–0.159), P = 0.003 [ Table 7 ].

Multiple linear regression analysis of relationship between knowledge, attitudes, and perceived barriers toward research

We conducted the cross-sectional study to assess the knowledge, attitudes, and the barriers toward the conduct of scientific research among undergraduate medical and dental students in our private medical college. Understanding of scientific methods becomes a crucial component of the medical profession. Although every health professional is not inspired to perform research to acquire new knowledge, he or she should be able to know principles of scientific research.[ 3 , 14 ] In this study, we found that 56.9% of the students had moderate and 39.1% had poor level of knowledge, with a mean score 12.14 of maximum 20. Previous studies done among undergraduate students showed poor-to-moderate level of knowledge toward health research.[ 9 , 10 , 14 , 19 ] Similarly, the study done among postgraduate trainees revealed poor level of knowledge toward research as 80.2% of them was in the first two quartiles of knowledge score.[ 6 ] Moreover, attitude toward health research is one of the important predictors of evidence-based practice and health care research utilization.[ 27 , 28 , 29 , 30 ] Systematic review of attitudes to science in medicine revealed that 49.5% of the students had positive attitudes,[ 31 ] and observational studies done among health professionals and medical students also demonstrated moderate and positive attitudes toward research.[ 6 , 10 , 14 , 19 , 27 ] In this study, the response rate was 81.94% which reflects the positive attitudes of students toward scientific research as 83.3% of the students had moderate attitude and 11.3% had good attitude. The students also demonstrated positive attitudes toward science and scientific methodology in medicine. Similar to other studies,[ 6 , 9 , 10 ] many of our participants showed somewhat to extensive confidence in conducting research activities such as creating clinical questions and searching and appraising literature, but many of them expressed limited confidence in accessing clinical expertise from the instructor and utilizing evidence-based processes. If the health professionals had perceived ability to perform research activities, they are more likely to involve in medical research.[ 27 ] In our college, research methodology course is compulsory in the medical curriculum and it is given in the 3 rd year in MBBS and 4 th year in BDS program. A previous study done by Bonner and Sando had also shown that if the health professionals had not taken research training or course, they felt lack of skills to perform research.[ 13 ]

The relationship between individual characteristics such as age, gender, year of education, and knowledge of and attitudes toward health research had been studied.[ 9 , 10 , 13 , 14 , 15 ] It was shown that knowledge was negatively correlated with age of the students,[ 9 ] and the number of years spent in medical college was significantly associated with knowledge of research after adjusting for age.[ 10 ] In our study, the mean score of both knowledge and attitude was highest in oldest age group and we found that age was significantly related to knowledge but not with attitudes. The academic year of the student was also significantly associated only with knowledge toward research. Apart from compulsory research methodology course, final-year students are also needed to perform the research projects, which are mentored by the faculty members. While conducting these projects, students learn to identify a research question, generate research hypotheses, critically appraise literature, design the study, collect and analyze the data, and write a detailed project report. Similar to the study conducted among the licensed nurses by Bonner and Sando,[ 13 ] we found that senior year students had a better understanding, higher mean score of knowledge, and a positive attitude. Intensive training of research principles and mandatory participation in research activities can lead to the significant improvement in content knowledge and positive impact on attitudes toward future research.[ 9 , 10 , 15 ] Though the results of the relationship between gender and knowledge were not consistent with previous studies,[ 9 , 10 , 16 ] in this study, we found that female students had higher knowledge score and males had higher attitude score, but it was not significant. There was no significant association between ethnicity and knowledge, but it was significantly associated with attitudes toward research. The mean score of both knowledge and attitude scale was highest in Indian followed by others, Chinese and Malay. Our findings were different from the previous study done among Malaysians showed Malay had the highest level of interest in science-, technology-, and innovation-related issues and more positive attitudes toward scientific research than Chinese and Indian.[ 32 ]

Although the emphasis is given to promote scientific research, the presence of barriers bring the gap between theory and practice.[ 17 ] The barriers to participate in scientific research can be classified as extrinsic[ 33 ] such as lack of training in research methodology, lack of time due to overburdened with educational activities, lack of rewards and incentives, lack of infrastructure and facilities, inadequate support by organization/institute, access to library and publications, and inadequate supervision and mentorship,[ 5 , 6 , 9 , 13 , 14 , 17 , 18 , 19 , 20 ] and intrinsic[ 33 ] including lack of motivation and lack of appropriate knowledge and skills in scientific methods and statistics.[ 9 , 17 , 14 , 19 , 20 , 21 ] In this study, the most common obstacles stated by the students were lack of time, lack of knowledge/skills, lack of funding and facilities, and lack of rewards. Moreover, the students mentioned limited access to the relevant medical and other electronic databases made them difficult to discover knowledge gap and initiate their research activities. We also found that the students who had higher attitude score had better-perceived barriers score toward research. Previous studies showed that attitudes toward research involvement and utilization are essential in evidence-based medicine[ 27 ] and adoption of negative attitudes could make difficulty in implementation of scientific research.[ 17 ] It has been accepted that supportive positive environment can bring successful researcher and have an impact on research output including publications.[ 3 ] We found that 13.4% of the students had ever done oral and poster presentations and some of them received awards in national student conferences. However, only 5.8% of the students had ever published research papers in indexed journals which were lower than previous studies.[ 6 , 7 , 31 ]

There are some limitations in this study. The response rate of the final year students was lowest (6.8%) because they were given study break at the time of data collection. This study was conducted in one private medical institution; therefore, the findings cannot be applicable to other institutions with the different environment. This was a cross-sectional study; therefore, we could neither observe the changes over time nor inference of causality. In this study, we did not include other barriers such as organizational, strategic, and policy barriers, communication barriers, and cultural and language barriers; therefore, further study should explore on these aspects. A qualitative approach will also offer a better understanding of obstacles toward research participation of undergraduate students. As the faculty members are the most important resources, the perception of faculty members toward scientific research and toward student's research should also be studied.

Conclusions

The undergraduate medical and dental students had the moderate level of knowledge and positive attitudes toward the conduct of medical research. Lack of time, skills, funding, and facilities and limited access to relevant medical journals and databases were the major barriers. These barriers need to be addressed by providing proper supervision, good mentorship, research funding and awards, and providing access to electronic databases to encourage the undergraduate students participating in research activities. It is recommended to organize research workshops, frequent research presentations, and journal clubs to provide knowledge and skills needed for the medical students to implement the scientific research in the future.

Financial support and sponsorship

Conflicts of interest.

There are no conflicts of interest.

Acknowledgment

We would like to acknowledge to all students who participated in this study and the volunteer students who helped for data collection. We would like to thank Professor Dr. Soe Moe for her valuable suggestion in concept and design of this study. We also would like to thank the management of Melaka-Manipal Medical College (MMMC) and Research Ethics Committee (MMMC) to grant the approval of this study.

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